Create a Taiwanese identity
I read with great pleasure Bob Kuo's (郭峰淵) article ("Chen must cultivate a Taiwanese personality," Dec. 16, page 8). In it Kuo encourages President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) to promote Taiwanese art and culture as a means of revitalizing the spirit of democracy in Taiwan. This, in my view, is the very epitome of wisdom.
Kuo's point is basically that culture -- the indigenous, native Taiwanese culture of this island republic -- should be the driving force behind the President's campaign to revitalize faith in Taiwanese democracy.
The indisputable fact is that Taiwan already has a unique cultural identity and history which is distinct from any other in the world. The problem is that for many politicians, and often the average Taiwanese person, it appears that Taiwanese culture is still considered something of an embarrassment -- and frequently treated like some proverbial "redheaded stepchild" of Chinese civilization.
As a result, Taiwanese politicians and leaders often neglect to talk too much about what Taiwan really is. This is apparent even in everyday life. If you ask the typical Taiwanese student whether they are Chinese or Taiwanese, more often than not they simply cannot respond or become confused by what is actually a very simple question. This need not be the case.
As schoolchildren in the US, we all had to take "Civics" classes, which explained to our young minds the workings of US democracy. We learned what the Constitution is, who Benjamin Franklin was, and why the US didn't fall from the sky but was formed by events concerned with our revolt against English rule.
In the process we learned many a valuable thing about how to become good US citizens by participating in elections, civic organizations and the overall process of democratic citizenship.
Kuo's article highlights the need for improved teaching about what it really means to be Taiwanese, and I heartily join him in encouraging President Chen to promote a specifically Taiwanese identity through museums, the arts and educational reform. If Taiwan's democracy is to continue to flourish -- and avoid a collision with Chinese authoritarianism -- the young people of Taiwan must learn what it means to be Taiwanese, and to be proud of that.
Isn't it time students started learning the truth about who they are -- despite what a minority might think -- and what they might one day be called on to fight for?
Ron Judy
Taichung
Tips for procurement
The IT month expo is a huge event that attracts lots of people who are crazy about sophisticated computers and electronic gadgets. At the show you can see how fast technology is developing. Most people go to the expo for the same reason: to purchase the very latest electronic devices and software.
Things to remember when purchasing what you have long been waiting for include: make sure the item is something you really need and also make sure the price is affordable and, last but not the least, move fast or the opportunity could slip away from you.
The issue of national defense is in some ways similar. Now that Taiwan finally has the chance to buy the advanced arms that it has been waiting for the US to approve, it should not hesitate.
We all understand why people buy life and car insurance. It's simply to give oneself peace of mind.
Taiwan also needs peace of mind. When it comes to the safety of our country, I am convinced that no one will come and help us if we just sit around arguing between ourselves without ever seriously discussing the arms procurement issue.
With the rise of China in the Asia-Pacific region, the US and Japan already have enough on their minds. They may not have time to think about Taiwan.
Ceci Ma
Taoyuan
The victims count too
The recent article about Stanley `Tookie' Williams, ("A guilty man in search of redemption," Dec. 11, page 17), was insightful and well-reported by Josh Kleinbaum of the New York Times.
However, Kleinbaum didn't have space to mention that the three Taiwanese people who were allegedly murdered in 1979 by Williams -- Yen-il Yang, 76, Tsai-shai Yang, 64, and their daughter, Yee-chin Lin, 43, visiting Los Angeles from Taiwan at the time -- were gunned down in cold blood. Nor did the reporter have space to note that Robert Yang, the Yang's son who helped them run a small motel in California, testified at Williams' trial that when he entered the motel office, after hearing gunshots from another room, he saw his parents and his sister dead or dying as a result of the shots allegedly fired by Williams.
The reporter also didn't have space to note that Mrs. Yang emigrated from Taiwan to the US in 1973 in search of a better life, with her husband arriving a short time later to help her run the Brookhaven Motel in Los Angeles or that the Yangs had six children and 10 grandchildren, or that their daughter Yee-chin Lin was married with three children: a 10-year-old daughter, a 13-year-old son, and a 14-year-old son.
When Williams allegedly shot the Yangs and their daughter, he not only took their lives, he stole the hopes and aspirations of the entire Yang family. When Mrs. Lin's three children said goodbye to their mother in Taiwan as she left for her short visit to California, little did they know that they would never see her again.
The issue of capital punishment is complex and complicated. Time ran out for Stanley `Tookie' Williams, and he is now with God, which is where the two Yangs and their daughter are, too.
Who's to say who is right and who is wrong, when it comes to discussing these vexing issues?
Dan Bloom
Chiayi
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
RSS