On Monday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (
While a formal merger is not about to take place anytime soon, further downsizing of the PFP is inevitable as more members abandon it to return to the KMT.
Particularly motivating for those in the PFP who have been pining for positions of influence was the example set by Taipei County commissioner-elect Chou Hsi-wei (
At the time Chou left the PFP, he faced a lot of skepticism. After all, the PFP and Soong had been very good to him, and yet he chose to leave the party when it was about to disintegrate -- in line with the decline of Soong's popularity among constituents.
However, none of that seems to matter anymore.
By helping the pan-blues retake Taipei County 16 years after it was first lost to the Democratic Progressive Party, Chou has become a hero -- at least to some. Under the circumstances, no wonder the rumblings from within the PFP in favor of a merger are getting louder. Differences within the PFP between opponents and supporters of the merger are about to come to the surface.
Soong must feel disheartened. Still, there is just no incentive for him and his gang to opt for a merger. What can they possibly get out of it?
Meanwhile, things are looking up for Ma after leading his party to victory in the local elections. The Ma era in the KMT has arrived and there is no room for Soong. In particular, Soong is seen as being from the generation before Ma. It would be insulting for him to return to the KMT if it meant that he had to settle for a position beneath Ma.
The best shot left for Soong is to run for Taipei mayor. This is something that he would not have considered before. After all, he had already served as governor of Taiwan Province and Ma, someone junior to him, is finishing off a second term as Taipei mayor. However, as a politician, Soong needs a stage where he can perform and win support. Serving as Taipei mayor would do exactly that. The PFP needs Soong's personal allure and charisma to continue, so Soong must make a run for it.
While Soong may not be willing to merge the PFP with the KMT, some level of cooperation is still required -- in the legislature, the upcoming elections and so on -- even if it is only for show to please die-hard pan-blue supporters. So the meeting on Monday was necessary, even though nothing substantive was apparently discussed. But a second meeting was not scheduled, and no mechanism for regular negotiation was established.
As far as the KMT and Ma are concerned, there is no need to concern themselves too much about the lack of progress toward merging. Given time, most PFP members will return to the fold.
Politics can be cruel sometimes.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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