On Tuesday, as Beijing celebrated Taiwan's Retrocession Day with great pomp, China's Foreign Ministry abruptly announced that it had re-established diplomatic relations with Senegal, one of Taiwan's African allies. Beijing may believe that resuming diplomatic ties with Dakar is a major step toward "regaining possession of its long lost territory -- Taiwan," but the announcement in fact only serves to embarrass pan-blue politicians who were participating in the event and further anger many Taiwanese.
China has used its financial, military and diplomatic muscle, and even its UN Security Council veto, as both a carrot and a stick against Taiwan's allies in its efforts to isolate Taiwan on the diplomatic front. Now, Taiwan is left with just 25 diplomatic partners, including the less-than-enthusiastic Vatican.
Taiwan's aid to its allies has fueled controversy and dollar diplomacy has come in for criticism. Countries compete to see how much they can get out of Taiwan and China, and Taipei has also faced accusations of meddling in the domestic affairs of recipient countries, only to see the financial aid sent there siphoned off into the pockets of local politicians.
Senegalese President Abodoulaye Wade hit the nail on the head when he told President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) that, "There are no friendships in the pursuit of national interests," in a candid demonstration of how cementing relations with some countries is close to impossible. In material terms, while Taiwan can offer much, China can always offer more.
Senegal's severing of diplomatic relations is a timely warning, for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Security Bureau are suggesting that there is a growing risk that many of the nation's remaining allies will follow suit. But this incident can also be seen as an opportunity to fundamentally reassess the viability of the nation's current foreign policy.
The number of allies at any one time has reasonable symbolic importance, and the ongoing relationship with them should be cherished and nurtured. But this should not extend to excessive use of resources on maintaining relationships that are clearly untenable. As long as Taiwan can retain an international presence, a shift in even 10 or more of the nation's allies will not have a significant impact.
A reduction in the number of allies will necessarily weaken calls for Taiwan's entry into the UN or the World Health Organization, but the key players here are the US, Japan, Australia, Canada and Europe. For this reason, a new route should be sought.
Taiwan must rid itself of the need to stress the number of its allies and instead undertake a practical assessment of its foreign policy.
After all, many countries are growing uneasy over China's conduct and beginning to more openly recognize Taiwan's economic and strategic value. They would be unwilling to see Taiwan swallowed up by China. Even though these countries do not have diplomatic ties with Taiwan, strategic links and common beliefs could prove stronger than those interests based on the offering and acceptance of aid.
But before this can happen, Taiwan must prove its strategic value and its determination to defend itself. If it does not, and even if the US and Japan are unwilling to see Taiwan absorbed by China, the self-destructive behavior manifested in the legislature's repeated rejection of the arms-procurement bill will not inspire confidence or friendship in this nation's supporters.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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