The Legislative Yuan will reconvene next Tuesday, amid hopes that a prolonged political standoff between the governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the pan-blue opposition can finally end.
Although a new opportunity to break the ice has appeared, continued distrust still obstructs rational and healthy interaction between the government and the pan-blue legislators.
The year-end local elections will further darken the opportunity for constructive interaction between the Chen Shui-bian (
Chen and his DPP colleagues have shown goodwill to the pan-blue camp by adjusting the controversial budget for the purchase of three major defensive weapon systems from the US in the hope of receiving a friendly response from the opposition.
Chen's appeal was supported by Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平). Wang suggested that the bill should at the very least be freed from the boycott imposed by the pan-blue majority in the legislature's Procedure Committee and properly referred to the National Defense Committee for review and open discussion.
Regretfully, legislators from the People First Party (PFP) remain steadfast in blocking the budget. Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (
In addition to that long-delayed bill, numerous urgently needed budgets and draft laws related to the people's livelihood are also awaiting review and passage. These include the special NT$80 billion (US$2.46 billion) flood prevention budget, governmental streamlining in the draft revisions to the Organic Law of the Executive Yuan (
The public favors an end to legislative obstructionism and villainy and an opening of rational dialogue between the governing and opposition parties.
Untying the political knot depends primarily on the KMT's new leadership, especially Ma. The extent to which Ma can avoid interference from his predecessor Lien Chan (
Ma should take the initiative by making a fresh start and abandoning the KMT's past destructive strategy of boycotting everything proposed by Chen. He should also try to persuade the PFP to stop putting its narrow partisan interests above the public good.
Ma should persuade his allies in the PFP to heed the public's will. Instead of being held hostage by the PFP over nominations for local elections, Ma should should put into practice his theory of bringing moderation and pragmatism into Taiwanese politics.
The government should also refrain from engaging in a war with the pan-blue opposition. Premier Frank Hsieh's (
A group composed of experts, academics and opinion leaders must be formed to monitor legislators' performance. Only through such public monitoring can Taiwanese politics be put back on the right track.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,