As the year-end county and city elections approach, partisan calculation has begun to overshadow pan-green unity. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and ally the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) are at loggerheads over the nomination process for the elections -- particularly in Keelung and Yunlin County.
What apparently worries the TSU is that it may soon be swallowed up in a merger with the DPP, given new rules for legislative elections that are expected to favor bigger parties. To increase its leverage in future negotiations, it's only natural for the TSU to play hardball when it comes to talks with the DPP.
But with the potential morale boost for the pan-blue camp after Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) won the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairmanship election, the pan-green camp should put aside partisan differences and forge closer cooperation.
The DPP and TSU have diverged in their response to recent political developments and cross-strait dynamics. The TSU keeps pressing forward with its campaign to change the national name and enact a new constitution. But those goals contradict President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) more moderate reaction toward China, as seen in the government's low-key reaction to the passage of Beijing's "Anti-Secession Law," its quiet handling of Taiwan opposition leaders' kowtowing visits to China and the Cabinet's announcement of a possible opening of Penghu as an addition to the so-called "small three links" -- which connect Kinmen and Matsu with points in China for limited transport, trade and tourism.
But both parties should bear in mind that the pan-green alliance cannot afford to split simply for the sake of individual electoral concerns. It is time to consolidate pan-green unity and redefine DPP-TSU cooperation.
This explains why Chen emphasized to the TSU his stance of "one principle, three insistences and five oppositions" when he attended the TSU's three-year anniversary celebration.
Protecting Taiwan's sovereignty and negotiating with China under the principle of democracy, parity and peace is the bottom line that binds together not just the pan-green camp but most political parties in Taiwan.
The "three insistences" -- not weakening the nation's convictions over democratic reform, persisting with protecting Taiwan's interests and staying true to the mission of transforming Taiwan into a great and progressive nation -- have long been shared by the DPP and the TSU.
Therefore, there is no reason why the DPP and the TSU should not cooperate in elections and policymaking. Unless, that is, the TSU only cares about its political interests.
As Chen said, the relationship between the two parties should change from the original "brotherhood" to an "alliance of values" and "action partner."
Given that cross-strait relations have entered into a new stage of complexity with international implications, the TSU should take into account both domestic and external concerns and play a supplementary role to the government.
The most difficult problem for the pan-green camp is not how to distinguish the DPP's campaign appeal from that of the TSU. It's rather the degree to which both parties can compete with each other in a decent way.
To resolve the political complications within the pan-green camp, more communication and cooperation is needed. Leaders of the DPP and the TSU must bear the following in mind: Do whatever you can to set yourself up for another pan-green camp victory, and do nothing that will make your next effort more difficult, even it you have to compete with each other.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means