During a ceremony marking the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II yesterday, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi apologized to neighboring countries for the suffering and destruction inflicted by Japan during the war. He also promised that Japan will never forget the terrible lesson of the war, and said that it will actively seek to build new relations with other nations in the region.
This was not the first time that Japan has apologized for its part in World War II. Ten years ago, then prime minister Tomiichi Murayama apologized at a ceremony marking the 50th anniversary of the end of the war, but Asian nations felt the Japanese government had shown insufficient sincerity on that occasion.
This is not the first time that Koizumi has apologized, either. To sooth anti-Japanese sentiment and protests in China and avoid an escalation of tensions between the two sides, he issued an apology couched in similar terms during a summit in Indonesia in April. Japan's ruling and opposition camps must feel very hard done by, for despite repeated apologies, their neighbors have not accepted their words.
Asian nations still cannot forget the atrocities committed by Japan during the war. Although Japan's rapid rise since the war has complied with the spirit of its peace Constitution and it has been severely constrained militarily, its neighbors remain apprehensive about its growing power. Despite the apologies, Koizumi continues visit the Yasukuni shrine, which commemorates Japan's war dead, including a number of war criminals. This has drawn criticism from both China and South Korea. What's more, Japan's Ministry of Education continues to gloss over the nation's war-time brutalities in history textbooks, misleading the nation's youth about war-time history. This is why many doubt the sincerity of Japan's apologies.
Japan was not the only country to be defeated in World War II. Fellow Axis member Germany's apologies for the war have been accepted and there are no calls for further punishment. At this year's commemoration of the Normandy landings, leaders from France, Germany, the UK and the US stood side by side, putting the enmity of the past behind them.
Why has the treatment of Germany and Japan been so different? The reason is that Germany has shown true remorse and contrition over the war, and has incorporated antiwar sentiment and human rights into every aspect of its legal system and social life, teaching the following generations the lessons of the war. Germany's neighbors do not fear its rising power. Conversely, they rejoice at its increasingly important role in the EU.
It has been 60 years since the end of the war, and even the children born in the immediate postwar years are now elderly. There is no longer any reason to keep alive historical resentments. But while we can forgive, we should never forget, and those who acted in the past should show appropriate contrition. The Japanese government's actions and words have sent out mixed signals, causing doubts.
Although Taiwan no longer seeks to punish Japan for its responsibility for the war, it continues to demand an adequate response on the issues of compensation for comfort women, war bonds and Japanese textbooks. This, after all, would be a concrete expression of Japan's acceptance of responsibility. If these problems over its violation of human rights are not resolved, then the seeds of hatred will never be extirpated, and the specter of the war will continue to entangle Japan.
In their recent op-ed “Trump Should Rein In Taiwan” in Foreign Policy magazine, Christopher Chivvis and Stephen Wertheim argued that the US should pressure President William Lai (賴清德) to “tone it down” to de-escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait — as if Taiwan’s words are more of a threat to peace than Beijing’s actions. It is an old argument dressed up in new concern: that Washington must rein in Taipei to avoid war. However, this narrative gets it backward. Taiwan is not the problem; China is. Calls for a so-called “grand bargain” with Beijing — where the US pressures Taiwan into concessions
The term “assassin’s mace” originates from Chinese folklore, describing a concealed weapon used by a weaker hero to defeat a stronger adversary with an unexpected strike. In more general military parlance, the concept refers to an asymmetric capability that targets a critical vulnerability of an adversary. China has found its modern equivalent of the assassin’s mace with its high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) weapons, which are nuclear warheads detonated at a high altitude, emitting intense electromagnetic radiation capable of disabling and destroying electronics. An assassin’s mace weapon possesses two essential characteristics: strategic surprise and the ability to neutralize a core dependency.
Chinese President and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) said in a politburo speech late last month that his party must protect the “bottom line” to prevent systemic threats. The tone of his address was grave, revealing deep anxieties about China’s current state of affairs. Essentially, what he worries most about is systemic threats to China’s normal development as a country. The US-China trade war has turned white hot: China’s export orders have plummeted, Chinese firms and enterprises are shutting up shop, and local debt risks are mounting daily, causing China’s economy to flag externally and hemorrhage internally. China’s
During the “426 rally” organized by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party under the slogan “fight green communism, resist dictatorship,” leaders from the two opposition parties framed it as a battle against an allegedly authoritarian administration led by President William Lai (賴清德). While criticism of the government can be a healthy expression of a vibrant, pluralistic society, and protests are quite common in Taiwan, the discourse of the 426 rally nonetheless betrayed troubling signs of collective amnesia. Specifically, the KMT, which imposed 38 years of martial law in Taiwan from 1949 to 1987, has never fully faced its