The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairmanship race concluded with an overwhelming victory for Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (
Legislative Speaker and KMT Vice Chairman Wang Jin-pyng (
We believe that both Ma and Wang are mature politicians and will now show a sportsman-like spirit in the interests of maintaining party unity. The KMT cannot afford further divisions, and as the new party chairman, Ma should invite Wang to serve as deputy chairman as a goodwill gesture in the interests of party unity.
With the election of the new KMT chairman, the relationship between government and opposition will enter a new phase. Outgoing chairman Lien Chan (
The KMT's unresolved issues, such as the handling of party assets, have hurt it in elections and in many cases have become a burden for the party's workers. Although the KMT is transforming itself into a democratic party, it is still at its core a revolutionary party with a power structure that fails to respond to public opinion. Attending to these issues will be one of the most important duties of the new chairman.
Even if the KMT does not change its name, a rejuvenated focus on localization remains an urgent matter. The election campaigning has taken Ma into every corner of Taiwanese society, and he must realize that if the KMT fails to shed its image as an alien political party and become more localized, it will certainly be fighting an uphill battle to perform well in the upcoming mayoral and county commissioner elections -- not to mention the 2008 presidential election.
At the same time Ma's continuing lack of support among party heavyweights will be a major obstacle in his efforts to promote party reform. Since he had to rely on the Mainlander vote, the pace of party localization will likely be delayed, and this might also hurt the KMT's long-term prospects.
Although Ma defeated Chen in the 1998 Taipei mayoral elections, he might not be able to beat the Democratic Progressive Party's candidate in 2008 and win back the presidency for the party.
The KMT has been out of power for five years now, and it cannot win back power on its own. The key will be pan-blue cooperation. Unfortunately, there are too many similarities in the appeal of Ma and People First Party Chairman James Soong (
Ma has his work cut out for him in reaching his ultimate goal -- the presidency.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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