To set a clear agenda and operational guidelines on matters related to the national security, the National Security Council -- under the direct order of President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) -- is drafting a National Security Strategy Report (NSSR).
After a series of internal discussions, the NSSR will encompass five main areas, including economics and finance, humanistic society and the environment, national defense, cross-strait affairs and foreign affairs.
Given both domestic and external constraints, Chen and his national security team must put the emphasis on how they will realistically and pragmatically meet the challenges of world affairs, and outline the best national security strategies for Taiwan in the coming decades.
The NSSR must first define the gravest danger Taiwan faces and clarify strategies and tactics to defend our nation against enemies. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has incorporated military, diplomatic and economic means to threaten Taiwan. No doubt this constitutes the main threat to Taiwan's national security.
Under Chinese President Hu Jintao (
Nevertheless, the mainstream thinking in the international community -- led by the US -- remains preoccupied with a policy of "con-gagement," a combination of containment and engagement, to develop relations with the PRC.
Taiwan must honestly recognize the reality that most countries are preoccupied with a policy of "con-gagement." What Taiwan needs most is to prioritize its national security policies and work to achieve a balance of power that supports Taiwan's democracy and cross-strait peace.
One way to differentiate Taiwan from China is to resort to the values of democracy that distinguish "democratic Taiwan" from "authoritarian China." Taiwan can also highlight Beijing's unilateral sabotage of regional peace and stability by reaffirming the desire to play a more constructive role in forging peace across the Taiwan Strait and in the Asia-Pacific region.
To broaden its global presence and influence, Taiwan can also redirect attention and resources into a "Pacific Islands diplomacy," based primarily on oceanic or marine ties with countries in the Pacific Ocean.
After the two state visits by Chen to five of Taiwan's diplomatic allies in the South Pacific earlier this year and the successful transit stop in the Republic of Fiji, over half of the countries of the South Pacific showed support for Taiwan's bid for observer status in the World Health Assembly.
The application of the maritime-oriented South Pacific model to Southeast Asia, Europe and Africa would require a tremendous rethinking of the ingrained "continental" mentality of Taiwan's foreign ministry and other concerned agencies inherited from the "greater China" mentality of the former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) regime.
Such rethinking is long overdue and increasingly urgent, especially as Taiwan's ties in Central America, which have long been the center of Taiwan's diplomatic competition with the PRC, are being eroded by Beijing's use of economic incentives.
A detailed review of the domestic politics of Taiwan's allies in the region is of the utmost importance.
In addition, Taiwan must intensify its efforts to participate in regional organizations.
Those are the central issues that must be realistically and pragmatically addressed in the final version of the NSSR.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Labubu, an elf-like plush toy with pointy ears and nine serrated teeth, has become a global sensation, worn by celebrities including Rihanna and Dua Lipa. These dolls are sold out in stores from Singapore to London; a human-sized version recently fetched a whopping US$150,000 at an auction in Beijing. With all the social media buzz, it is worth asking if we are witnessing the rise of a new-age collectible, or whether Labubu is a mere fad destined to fade. Investors certainly want to know. Pop Mart International Group Ltd, the Chinese manufacturer behind this trendy toy, has rallied 178 percent
My youngest son attends a university in Taipei. Throughout the past two years, whenever I have brought him his luggage or picked him up for the end of a semester or the start of a break, I have stayed at a hotel near his campus. In doing so, I have noticed a strange phenomenon: The hotel’s TV contained an unusual number of Chinese channels, filled with accents that would make a person feel as if they are in China. It is quite exhausting. A few days ago, while staying in the hotel, I found that of the 50 available TV channels,
Kinmen County’s political geography is provocative in and of itself. A pair of islets running up abreast the Chinese mainland, just 20 minutes by ferry from the Chinese city of Xiamen, Kinmen remains under the Taiwanese government’s control, after China’s failed invasion attempt in 1949. The provocative nature of Kinmen’s existence, along with the Matsu Islands off the coast of China’s Fuzhou City, has led to no shortage of outrageous takes and analyses in foreign media either fearmongering of a Chinese invasion or using these accidents of history to somehow understand Taiwan. Every few months a foreign reporter goes to
There is no such thing as a “silicon shield.” This trope has gained traction in the world of Taiwanese news, likely with the best intentions. Anything that breaks the China-controlled narrative that Taiwan is doomed to be conquered is welcome, but after observing its rise in recent months, I now believe that the “silicon shield” is a myth — one that is ultimately working against Taiwan. The basic silicon shield idea is that the world, particularly the US, would rush to defend Taiwan against a Chinese invasion because they do not want Beijing to seize the nation’s vital and unique chip industry. However,