Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lawmaker Chang Chun-hsiung (張俊雄) will become the next chairman of the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF), a position that had been left vacant after the death of former chairman Koo Chen-fu (辜振甫).
After Premier Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) formally announced on Friday the Executive Yuan's decision to recommend Chang for the position, many people began to assess the implications of the move -- the most noteworthy being that President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) is emphasizing his desire to re-open cross-strait dialogue.
When Koo died, many commentators predicted that the significance of the SEF, along with its counterpart in China -- the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) -- would be permanently diminished. The SEF is a non-profit organization authorized by the Mainland Affairs Counsel (MAC) to handle cross-strait disputes and negotiations in the absence of official government contact between the two sides of the Strait.
The SEF is most often depicted as a quasi-governmental entity, since most of its funding comes from the Taiwan government and the MAC supervises and monitors its performance. But legally speaking, it is still a non-government, private entity.
The need for such an entity derived from the fact that Beijing is unwilling to deal directly with the Taiwan government, since that would suggest a recognition of its legitimacy. And at the time the SEF was formed, the ruling Chinese Nationalist Party was equally unwilling to deal with Beijing.
In the past few years, the SEF has been left out of the loop in negotiations on many important cross-strait affairs. A case in point was negotiations for cross-strait charter flights during the Lunar New Year holidays. The "official" negotiators were members of the aviation industry from the two sides. In reality, the attending government aviation bureaucrats did the real work.
But the model used for the Lunar New Year charter flights is only an ad hoc model. If Beijing remains adamant about refusing to deal with the Taiwan government, there will continue to be a need for quasi-government organizations such as the SEF and ARATS.
The appointment of Chang to head the SEF suggests that the Taiwan government still envisions that the SEF will remain a conduit for cross-strait negotiations. Otherwise there would be no need to appoint a political heavyweight such as Chang for the role.
Chang's record speaks for itself in terms of the weight he carries within the DPP. He has served as premier, as DPP chairman and as a senior lawmaker. He has also had a close relationship with President Chen Shui-bian (
After the Executive Yuan announced its decision to recommend Chang for the position, Chang immediately clarified his stance on the so-called "1992 consensus." He said that during the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong, representatives from the two sides of the Strait agreed to "leave aside the disputes, negotiate and enter into dialogue, solve problems, and respect each other," but that there was never a consensus on the "one China" issue.
Obviously, the "disputes" he referred to involve Taiwan's sovereignty, which remains the biggest point of disagreement between the Chinese and Taiwanese governments.
Unless China is willing to accept a similar pragmatic approach again, cross-strait relations may well remain at an impasse.
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means