While some have attributed the results of the National Assembly elections as a manifestation of the public's dislike for the recent "China fever" sparked by the visits of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
Exhausted by partisan disputes and political wrestling in the legislative branch and nearly a decade of ineffective government, the public's high expectations, together with a push by some social groups, forced most political parties to endorse resolutions on constitutional changes last August. President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) administration played a key role in terms of shouldering domestic pressure to forge the constitutional re-engineering project.
Chen and his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government have also made an effort to clarify misperceptions internationally that the constitutional reforms would have any bearing on legitimizing Taiwan's de jure independence.
After an explanation of the high threshold needed for changes to be approved as well as the difficulty of pursuing legal independence given Taiwan's divided political forces, the international community should be convinced that constitutional reform will not touch upon "enacting a new Taiwan constitution," and therefore will not change the cross-striat status quo.
It has taken a tremendous effort to conquer both domestic and external constraints to pave the way for the constitutional re-engineering project. Hence, the results of the election have achieved what Chen has called "the first-stage constitutional reform" and an opening of "the second-stage constitutional re-engineering project."
It has historical implications for the deepening and consolidation of Taiwan's democratic institutions, and entails a strong and democratic move toward forging good governance, government efficiency and international competitiveness.
While debates over the constitutional changes were full of political finger pointing, partisan calculation and regional influences, a sound and sustainable constitutional framework can be created through rational debate and engendered by civic consciousness. This is how Taiwan's democratic society has worked hard over the past two decades, when it comes to the reinforcement of its political institutions and democratic mechanisms.
Several hurdles remain, including the passage of the statute governing the National Assembly's exercise of power (國大職權行使法) and the forthcoming readjustment of electoral constituencies. The DPP must seize the opportunity to meet continued challenges from inside and out.
Since the reform of the current electoral system perceivably favors a stable two-party system, both the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) and the PFP have opposed it. It is therefore necessary for the DPP government to build on public support for continued constitutional reform.
Although the pro-reform camp, led by the DPP and the KMT, acquired over 80 percent of the popular vote, the TSU and PFP should not boycott constitutional reform simply for the sake of their partisan interests.
A partisan agreement on the constitutional amendment of electoral rules should be treated as a great leap forward for the nation's democracy, rather than just a political contingency for partisan interests. Those political leaders with the vision and reform-mindedness necessary for Taiwan's political development should take the lead, regardless of whether the reforms may harm them, or the party they are affiliated with.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
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