The recent visits to China by Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) even said that Soong promised to support the passage of this crucial piece of national security legislation on the eve of his China visit. But on Tuesday, the PFP and the KMT once again jointly struck the arms-procurement bill -- along with a number of other bills proposed by the pan-green camp -- from the agenda. It is clear that as long as the pan-blues still enjoy a legislative majority, the chances that the bill will be passed are slim. Since both Lien and Soong see themselves as Chinese, how can they ever agree to allow Taiwan to purchase weapons to defend themselves against China's military aggression?
During last year's presidential election campaign, both Lien and Soong prostrated themselves and kissed the ground in an attempt to prove their love for Taiwan. In retrospect, their acts seem preposterous and hypocritical.
We still remember when in 1979 the late pope John Paul II returned to his homeland of Poland, 10 years after he left it. The pope's first action when he stepped off the plane in Warsaw was to kneel down and kiss the ground. This image has been burned into the minds of people around the world and has become a symbol of separation from one's home country. The pope's love for his country never changed, and commentators believe that the pope played an important part in helping the labor group Solidarity defeat Poland's communist government. There was no conflict between the pope's religious status and his status as a Pole, and he could be both a great pope and an outstanding Pole.
We have seen on TV how Lien and Soong returned to their old country, China. In particular, we saw how the wooden Lien suddenly showed a sense of humor, and how Soong could not hold back tears when paying his respects to his ancestors in Hunan Province. This reveals how much passion is stirred by one's homeland. This is a normal human reaction. The problem is that their status as Chinese is not compatible with their status as leaders of Taiwanese opposition parties. At a time when China is blocking Taiwan's participation in the international community and even threatening our national security, how can we place any trust in political parties that favor China?
This underlines the fundamental choice in Taiwan's electoral politics. When people vote they are not so much choosing between political ideals, but rather choosing between Taiwan and China. There is no better example of this than the attitude being taken by the various political parties to the arms-procurement bill. The parties that identify with Taiwan are all in favor of purchasing advanced weapons to improve the nation's defenses, while those who identify with China take their cue from the other side of the Taiwan Strait.
During their visits, China offered Lien and Soong gifts -- including pandas, better trade terms for Taiwan's fruit and a lifting of restrictions on tourist travel to Taiwan -- in a bid to help the pan-blue camp win votes in the National Assembly elections. Although Beijing did not succeed in "buying" votes with such offers, it successfully won over the two opposition leaders. So, not only is China the home country of both Lien and Soong, even the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has become their political ally.
It is hardly surprising that some pan-green supporters also object to the procurement of advanced weapons, though for different reasons to the pan-blue camp. Their fear is that in the event of a conflict, the pan-blue camp will turn over Taiwan's weapons to the People's Liberation Army (PLA), and join them in turning against the US. This is Taiwan's ultimate nightmare.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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