An election win by Taiwan's ruling party has taken pressure off independence-minded President Chen Shui-bian (
Chen's Democratic Progressive Party won 42.5 percent of the vote in National Assembly elections on Saturday, comfortably beating the Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) 38.9 percent.
Before the poll, Chen had been under growing pressure to kowtow to China, which dangled economic rewards in front of Taiwan's 23 million people after meetings with more conciliatory opposition leaders including KMT Chairman Lien Chan (
But China's strategy of divide and conquer apparently did not help the KMT in this election, though analysts noted the record-low turnout of 23 percent made the vote a poor barometer for public opinion.
"I think this outcome will give him a bit more maneuvring space in seeking rapprochement with Beijing," said Chu Yun-han (
Despite the political stalemate, trade is booming across the Taiwan Strait and opinion polls show the majority of people want better access to China's vast market.
That's why Chinese President Hu Jintao's (
"The election gave President Chen a new lease within his party," said Emile Sheng (
Chen is also still under pressure from the US to prevent tensions from flaring in one of Asia's most dangerous flashpoints.
Some analysts say Chen's shift to a more centrist position this year -- evident in the cautious approval he first gave to opposition visits to China -- indicates he seeks a legacy before his term ends in 2008 as the man who brokered peace with China.
Saturday's poll, however, showed how dependent the DPP's power base is on votes from hardline advocates of Taiwan independence, analysts say.
Bad weather and confusion over what the election was about meant only the true believers came out to cast ballots.
Shen Fu-hsiung (沈富雄), a DPP National Assembly member, told a post-election seminar that 25 percent of the DPP's votes had come from hardliners, making them a powerful lobby against any move by Chen to formulate a softer policy towards China.
"Although he cannot achieve de jure independence, he will insist that de facto sovereignty is his bottom line. Therefore I think the chance of him meeting Hu Jintao is nil," Shen said.
A legacy of Taiwan's complicated political system, the National Assembly was elected to ratify constitutional amendments passed by the Legislative Yuan last year.
As both the DPP and KMT support the changes, the reforms to halve the legislature and revamp the electoral system are almost sure to pass, redrawing Taiwan's political landscape in favor of two-party politics.
With the pro-independence lobby pulling Chen to the left, but Washington and the need to broaden the DPP's support base pulling him more towards the middle, analysts say it is still unclear in what direction the president will ultimately head.
Liao Da-chi (
"Chen's China policy will always be a zig zag and not a straight line," Liao said. "He'll waver between appeasing the DPP hardliners and the moderate voters who want better economic ties with China."
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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