So Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
It is hardly surprising, then, that he should be so flabbergasted that such an arrangement should twice fail to confirm his career trajectory into occupancy of the Presidential Office.
After a year of claiming the shooting of President Chen Shui-bian (
Unfortunately, when Lien belittles Taiwan's achievements in front of an audience in the manifest tyranny of China, it is something else that he has in mind: Taiwan is not "democratic" because it does not recognize Lien's droit du seigneur over the presidency.
Certainly, Taiwan's democracy is flawed. But ironically, these are in ways that benefit Lien. The KMT has retained its stolen assets and the pan-blue camp has retained the media dominance it acquired under martial law. The reason for this is that the democratization process was negotiated. Unlike countries that threw out long-serving dictatorships by a more robust process -- a revolution, for example, which would wipe the slate clean of the old hegemony and start anew -- Taiwan's current political settlement, if it can be called that, is the result of the KMT surrendering dictatorial power while being allowed to retain much of the political and social structures that underwrote it. How else could the pan-blue camp try to engineer a military coup to overturn the result of the presidential election last year?
Taiwan might even be too democratic. After all, amid the pan-blue-instigated instability after last year's presidential election, pressure was put on Chen to declare a state of emergency. There are some of us who think he should have seized this opportunity to bring about the revolutionary shake-up Taiwan has never had. Chen could have declared a state of emergency with pan-blue support, then used the powers it gave him to throw the pan-blue leadership and their legislators in jail, after which he could use the green rump of the legislature to legalize proceedings with an enabling act.
Such behavior is common in Latin America, where it is known as an auto golpe, or "self coup." That Chen resisted the temptation burnishes his democratic credentials, though a democratic step backward could have been the precursor to two steps forward. But now, because of Chen's restraint, the pan-blue camp is able to continue its work as an agent of China's expansionism, selling out Taiwan's freedoms for permanent demotion to an undemocratic "Taiwan Special Administrative Region."
Lien's latest betrayal can only have us wondering how long it will be before Taiwanese decide his antics must be stopped. English King Henry II once asked of Archbishop Thomas Becket, "Will no one rid me of this turbulent priest?" We ask: Will no one rid Taiwan of this treacherous Lien Chan?
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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