It is hard to miss the central theme of the US President George W. Bush's inaugural speech for his second term -- to help oppressed people fight tyranny. This speech -- with the words "freedom," "liberty," and "democracy" running throughout the text -- of course highlight some very fundamental and lofty US ideals.
The people of Taiwan are focused on how this policy declaration will play out over the next four years in the context of the triangular relationship between the US, China and Taiwan. However, looking back at this very unique relationship over the four years, it is not hard to notice that these ideals -- however lofty they may be -- face some very strenuous challenges from self-interest and pragmatism.
After Bush gave his inauguration speech, commentators were quick to point out some of the US' important allies and partners are guilty of precisely the crimes that Bush has vowed to end. To Taiwan, the most important case in point is of course China -- an authoritarian state notorious for oppressing human rights.
Despite being the world's most powerful country, the US needs the friendship of Beijing and its helping hand, in particular in dealing with North Korea. While it cannot be denied that the US has consistently expressed concern to China about its human rights record, the real question is: What can the US do about it? Actually, a better question is: What does it intend to do about it?
At this point, the answer is nothing -- at least nothing meaningful.
While it is understandable that there is only so much the US can do about domestic human rights issues of China, its handling of the so-called Taiwan issue is less understandable.
If it is so important to help oppressed peoples leave tyranny behind, isn't it even more important help free people resist subjection to tyranny? The latter scenario would precisely be what happens to Taiwan if unification with China occurs.
Looking back at the US-Taiwan relationship over the past four years, most would agree that the biggest tension between the two countries occurred over Taiwan's plan to rewrite its constitution and Taiwan's holding of referendums. Both matters -- the campaign for a new constitution and the holding of referendums -- reflect the coming of age for a democratic Taiwan. Under the circumstances, a better way to depict the situation is this -- the US felt unnerved and uneasy by the reaching of major democratic milestones in Taiwan. This is of course highly ironic.
Not so long ago, Taiwan was still seen as a prodigy of democratic reform, for which the US felt very proud of. Despite the fact that the democratic development of Taiwan was encouraged by the US, limits were apparently drawn on how far these developments can go. The limit is that the "status quo" must be maintained.
However, is it possible to maintain the status quo? Is it even possible to define the status quo? Does status quo mean the status quo more than fifty years ago when the World War II first ended, or when the Chinese Nationalist Party government first took refuge in Taiwan? Can the status quo be maintained when China has evolved from its status as a third world country that closed the door on the world, into a rising power that poses serious challenges to the US' world leadership?
Frankly speaking, despite the ups and downs in the relationship between Taiwan and the US over these past four years, the Bush administration has nevertheless demonstrated unprecedented friendliness toward Taiwan. However, that friendliness has thus far not gone nearly as far as the people of Taiwan have hoped.
It is hoped that in the next four years, Bush will live up to the promises he made in his inauguration speech, especially when it comes to the US' handling of the cross-strait relationship.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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