When Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) was first elected a legislator more than 20 years ago, he was certainly no stunning talent. New legislators who at the time received more attention than Wang included the KMT "Three Musketeers" -- Hsieh Shen-shan (謝深山) representing labor organizations, Tsai You-tu (蔡友土) representing farmers' organizations and Huang Tse-ching (黃澤青) representing fishermen's organizations -- as well as Hsiao Teng-tzang (蕭天讚) from Chiayi who later became Minister of Justice, and the independent Kang Ning-hsiang (康寧祥).
At the time, these five prestigious members were well-known and received a lot of media coverage. More senior legislators admired them and maintained good relations with them. Chiang Ching-kuo's (
Even though the "Three Musketeers" had not attained a high level of education, their political work was solid and they always had something substantial to say during interpellations.
After Kang was elected to the legislature, he was generally recognized as a most conscientious student. If he wasn't in the library immersed in books he was in the research room studying and searching for information. During the annual budget review, his copy of the budget was always full of scribbled notes. Even many of the old legislators holding political views different from Kang's admired the diligence and depth of his work.
Tsai's and Huang's political careers, however, were cut short after the system whereby legislators represented different professions was abolished. Hsiao, even though he was the first new legislator to become a member of the Cabinet, had to step down due to suspicions of involvement in a lobbying scandal. For the past few years, Hsiao has served as chairman of the Central News Agency. Hsieh served as Council of Labor Affairs chairman for a while, but after having been defeated in an election for Taipei County commissioner, he returned home to Hualien, dejected. Kang, who saw his star-status wane after being labelled part of the non-mainstream party faction, has had to watch the generation following the independents surpass him. Despite having done a good job in the Control Yuan, his appointment to the post of vice defense minister is still a step backward.
During the generational change in the legislature a few years back, Hsieh was seen as a prospective successor as legislative speaker. But because of Hsieh's education, Lee Teng-hui's (
While Kang and the "Three Musketeers" became stars thanks to their political work, Wang was busy with his own business and had no success worth mentioning on the legislative floor. When he, Tsai Chen-chou (蔡辰洲) and others formed the "Club of 13" it was obvious that his mind was elsewhere. But Wang is not a principled and opinionated politician. He has a soft personality and almost no political enemies. He has relied on social connections rather than professionalism. Handling his connections consistently over 20 years and eventually obtaining the unanimous support of each faction of each party, it is by pure skill that he has reached the position he holds today.
Let's turn our gaze to today's legislators. Afraid that they won't have enough time to bring their show to TV every day, there is no chance that they will have time to immerse themselves in books in the library looking for information. Not even one in a hundred will want to use these outdated methods of Kang and the "Three Musketeers." We will even be hard put to find someone like Wang, who step by step goes about expanding his network of contacts.
Parliamentary leaders in democratic countries are produced "naturally." This means that they, without any extra effort, will stand a chance of becoming speaker if their background experience is sufficient, their political performance is sufficiently professional or if they are sufficiently well connected. Liu and Wang relied on their experience and connections to win the speakership. Chiang Ping-kun (
Even though the DPP is the largest party in the legislature, both the speakership and the vice speakership slipped through its fingers -- this time -- and this is harmful to its status as the biggest party. The DPP should learn from the Wang story, and start working hard to gain experience, professionalism and connections, bringing forward its own Wang before the next three years are up. If not, the legislature will forever belong to someone else.
Wang Chien-chuang is president of The Journalist magazine.
Translated by Perry Svensson
On Sept. 3 in Tiananmen Square, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rolled out a parade of new weapons in PLA service that threaten Taiwan — some of that Taiwan is addressing with added and new military investments and some of which it cannot, having to rely on the initiative of allies like the United States. The CCP’s goal of replacing US leadership on the global stage was advanced by the military parade, but also by China hosting in Tianjin an August 31-Sept. 1 summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which since 2001 has specialized
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
A large part of the discourse about Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation has centered on conventions of international law and international agreements between outside powers — such as between the US, UK, Russia, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan at the end of World War II, and between the US and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since recognition of the PRC as the sole representative of China at the UN. Internationally, the narrative on the PRC and Taiwan has changed considerably since the days of the first term of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) of the Democratic
A report by the US-based Jamestown Foundation on Tuesday last week warned that China is operating illegal oil drilling inside Taiwan’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) off the Taiwan-controlled Pratas Island (Dongsha, 東沙群島), marking a sharp escalation in Beijing’s “gray zone” tactics. The report said that, starting in July, state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corp installed 12 permanent or semi-permanent oil rig structures and dozens of associated ships deep inside Taiwan’s EEZ about 48km from the restricted waters of Pratas Island in the northeast of the South China Sea, islands that are home to a Taiwanese garrison. The rigs not only typify