It is hard to miss the central theme of the US President George W. Bush's inaugural speech for his second term -- to help oppressed people fight tyranny. This speech -- with the words "freedom," "liberty," and "democracy" running throughout the text -- of course highlight some very fundamental and lofty US ideals.
The people of Taiwan are focused on how this policy declaration will play out over the next four years in the context of the triangular relationship between the US, China and Taiwan. However, looking back at this very unique relationship over the four years, it is not hard to notice that these ideals -- however lofty they may be -- face some very strenuous challenges from self-interest and pragmatism.
After Bush gave his inauguration speech, commentators were quick to point out some of the US' important allies and partners are guilty of precisely the crimes that Bush has vowed to end. To Taiwan, the most important case in point is of course China -- an authoritarian state notorious for oppressing human rights.
Despite being the world's most powerful country, the US needs the friendship of Beijing and its helping hand, in particular in dealing with North Korea. While it cannot be denied that the US has consistently expressed concern to China about its human rights record, the real question is: What can the US do about it? Actually, a better question is: What does it intend to do about it?
At this point, the answer is nothing -- at least nothing meaningful.
While it is understandable that there is only so much the US can do about domestic human rights issues of China, its handling of the so-called Taiwan issue is less understandable.
If it is so important to help oppressed peoples leave tyranny behind, isn't it even more important help free people resist subjection to tyranny? The latter scenario would precisely be what happens to Taiwan if unification with China occurs.
Looking back at the US-Taiwan relationship over the past four years, most would agree that the biggest tension between the two countries occurred over Taiwan's plan to rewrite its constitution and Taiwan's holding of referendums. Both matters -- the campaign for a new constitution and the holding of referendums -- reflect the coming of age for a democratic Taiwan. Under the circumstances, a better way to depict the situation is this -- the US felt unnerved and uneasy by the reaching of major democratic milestones in Taiwan. This is of course highly ironic.
Not so long ago, Taiwan was still seen as a prodigy of democratic reform, for which the US felt very proud of. Despite the fact that the democratic development of Taiwan was encouraged by the US, limits were apparently drawn on how far these developments can go. The limit is that the "status quo" must be maintained.
However, is it possible to maintain the status quo? Is it even possible to define the status quo? Does status quo mean the status quo more than fifty years ago when the World War II first ended, or when the Chinese Nationalist Party government first took refuge in Taiwan? Can the status quo be maintained when China has evolved from its status as a third world country that closed the door on the world, into a rising power that poses serious challenges to the US' world leadership?
Frankly speaking, despite the ups and downs in the relationship between Taiwan and the US over these past four years, the Bush administration has nevertheless demonstrated unprecedented friendliness toward Taiwan. However, that friendliness has thus far not gone nearly as far as the people of Taiwan have hoped.
It is hoped that in the next four years, Bush will live up to the promises he made in his inauguration speech, especially when it comes to the US' handling of the cross-strait relationship.
The US election result will significantly impact its foreign policy with global implications. As tensions escalate in the Taiwan Strait and conflicts elsewhere draw attention away from the western Pacific, Taiwan was closely monitoring the election, as many believe that whoever won would confront an increasingly assertive China, especially with speculation over a potential escalation in or around 2027. A second Donald Trump presidency naturally raises questions concerning the future of US policy toward China and Taiwan, with Trump displaying mixed signals as to his position on the cross-strait conflict. US foreign policy would also depend on Trump’s Cabinet and
The Taiwanese have proven to be resilient in the face of disasters and they have resisted continuing attempts to subordinate Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonetheless, the Taiwanese can and should do more to become even more resilient and to be better prepared for resistance should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) try to annex Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) argues that the Taiwanese should determine their own fate. This position continues the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) tradition of opposing the CCP’s annexation of Taiwan. Lai challenges the CCP’s narrative by stating that Taiwan is not subordinate to the
Republican candidate and former US president Donald Trump is to be the 47th president of the US after beating his Democratic rival, US Vice President Kamala Harris, in the election on Tuesday. Trump’s thumping victory — winning 295 Electoral College votes against Harris’ 226 as of press time last night, along with the Republicans winning control of the US Senate and possibly the House of Representatives — is a remarkable political comeback from his 2020 defeat to US President Joe Biden, and means Trump has a strong political mandate to implement his agenda. What does Trump’s victory mean for Taiwan, Asia, deterrence
The return of US president-elect Donald Trump to the White House has injected a new wave of anxiety across the Taiwan Strait. For Taiwan, an island whose very survival depends on the delicate and strategic support from the US, Trump’s election victory raises a cascade of questions and fears about what lies ahead. His approach to international relations — grounded in transactional and unpredictable policies — poses unique risks to Taiwan’s stability, economic prosperity and geopolitical standing. Trump’s first term left a complicated legacy in the region. On the one hand, his administration ramped up arms sales to Taiwan and sanctioned