Years from now, we will be pondering the question, "Who lost Taiwan?" Why, in 2004, didn't the Taiwanese vote for the pan-greens, and why did Taiwan not want to beef up its defense, but instead sit and wait for Communist China to deteriorate?
Why did Taiwan not give itself a chance to stand up to Communist China, but allow it to hunt down Taiwan in the international arena and cross the Strait with psychological deception and military warfare?
Why did it not build strong defenses and watch China take the road to self-destruction as a result of the clash of ideologies between old imperialism and modern human freedom; a clash of justice and technological, cultural and humanitarian differences between bankrupt Chinese-style communism and democracy?
We will ask why Taiwan did not build itself up militarily and psychologically, and educate young people about their inalienable rights to self-determination, self-protection and an identity of their own choosing, backed up by modern military technology to see it through.
But, by then, it will all be too late.
The People's Republic of China, fueled by its desire to annex Taiwan, will have been able to put off discontent at home, riding on the euphoria of nationalism after the Olympic Games and with a new status as the menace of the East, holding South Korea and Japan by their throats [through manipulation] of their trade lifeline.
With their "friends" and strategic partners like North Korea, as well as hard-line Islamists, could Europe and America be far behind?
The answer to the question "Who lost Taiwan?" would be quite simple. Because the Taiwanese had the freedom to choose, despite all the deception and intimidation, it will have been the Taiwanese who lost Taiwan. And the free world who helped them.
With foresight like this, what should Taiwanese do differently, if they were given a second chance?
Ming-Chung Chen
Chicago
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In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
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