Today is Constitution Day, which celebrates the promulgation of the ROC Constitution (
President Chen Shui-bian (
Outsiders may find it difficult to distinguish between the "constitutional amendment" advocated by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the "rectification of the name of Taiwan and a new constitution" proposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU).
In fact, the DPP seeks to amend the constitution whilst retaining the name of the country, whereas the TSU wants a new constitution for the country, with Taiwan as its new official name. President Chen and former president Lee Teng-hui (
At the very same time, the Chinese are discussing the creation of an anti-secession law (
Hardline pro-Taiwan groups could advocate an "anti-annexation law" (
Nations need to make amendments to their constitution and related laws so that they reflect the current reality. Even the People's Republic of China (PRC) has undertaken four rounds of constitutional amendments since 1988, a clear indication that they accept that adjustments to the constitution are necessary in response to national and governmental changes. This is part of a healthy process of development within a constitutional government, and the world need not look askance at Taiwan's moves to amend its Constitution.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,