Successful films often fuel sequels, giving audiences the opportunity to perpetuate the satisfying illusion created in the original. In Taiwan, the presidential election and its aftermath became a real-life thriller -- but the captive public has been unable to walk out on it ever since. The tension associated with this Saturday's sequel, not unlike Speed 2: Cruise Control, is a creation that has been forced on the public, with most only wanting an end to disruption and a return to normality. As part of the new script, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
According to Article Two and Article Three of the Additional Articles of the Constitution, the premier is appointed by the president and does not require the approval of the legislature. Although the premier is responsible to the legislature, his position as a presidential appointee is in no way related to who holds a majority in the legislature. These articles were added to the Constitution to allow Lien to serve as vice president and premier concurrently under former president Lee Teng-hui (
Although the presidential appointment of the premier is not affected by who has a legislative majority, the premier's ability to maintain his position is. Lien's suggestion that the pan-blue camp will be able to form government if it wins a majority can therefore take place, but only as a result of vicious political fighting. The scenario would be as follows: The president appoints a premier from a minority party. The administration of the premier is boycotted by the majority party, which passes a vote of no confidence, forcing the president to dissolve the legislature and call for new elections. The opposition keeps its majority, forcing the president to bow to political realities and appoint a candidate that they can accept.
Although the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the presidential elections in 2000 and this year, the opposition has maintained a majority in the legislature and has constrained the government on many fronts. So far, the opposition has retained a sense of proportion, and while opposing most legislation and budget measures, has not engaged in a "scorched earth" policy of initiating a vote of no confidence, which would precipitate a political crisis. Lien's announcement makes it clear that the opposition will raise the level of its resistance if it wins a majority this time, going so far as to challenge the right of the president to appoint the premier. This will be a political battle with incalculably high political and social costs that could wear on indefinitely.
If Taiwan were a normal democratic country, the actions of political parties taken in accordance with the Constitution and their relative levels of strength would be considered acceptable. But Taiwan faces threats and obstruction from China on all fronts, and it cannot sustain another period in which it fails to advance, or slips backward, because of domestic political factors. The political scene cannot afford to become an endless series of Friday the 13th sequels, with the public serving as teen fodder for a deranged and slowly decomposing villain.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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