Traffic tickets have, surprisingly, become the latest fodder for political mudslinging. The whole thing started when Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (
It is hard to not wonder about what has come over Ma in these past weeks. Taking on Chen has seemingly become the new meaning of his existence. The relationship between Ma and Chen has always been rather awkward, to say the least, since Ma is the only pan-blue heavyweight who has defeated Chen in an election. Chen's amazing comeback in winning the presidency and becoming Ma's superior of course added some fascinating twists to the tale.
But Ma's new attacks against Chen are increasingly of a petty and personal nature, over matters such as traffic tickets and jay walking.
If this is all part of the pan-blue camp's campaign strategy for the approaching Legislative Yuan elections, one must doubt how much Ma is actually helping out his camp's candidates. With Ma personally jumping into the spotlight to take on Chen, everything and everyone else -- most notably Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
Moreover, in legislative elections, the voters are less likely to vote for political parties and more likely to vote based on their perception of the individual candidates. Under the circumstances, taking on the head of the rival party isn't going to go far in terms of winning votes. Instead, voters will perceive Ma as engaging in a personal, one-on-one battle with Chen.
Ma is no longer simply one of the vice chairmen in the KMT, but someone -- in fact the only one -- who carries enough weight to challenge Chen. It seems natural to consider Ma as the only viable contender from the pan-blue camp for the presidency in 2008. By comparison, Lien and People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (
But one cannot help but question Ma's wisdom in choosing the stones being thrown -- focusing on things that some would consider miniscule and petty. It isn't hard to understand Ma's underlying logic. It's his intention to point out that despite Chen's modest background, he is no exception when it comes to abusing privileges and perks. This supposedly will provoke the resentment of common citizens for whom things such as traffic tickets and fines are inescapable facts of life.
The problem is that Ma did not consider the potential backlash his tactics might provoke. If he is going to pester his opponents over minor matters such as traffic tickets, he should make sure that he himself is an exemplary citizen 24 hours a day. But lo and behold, he was immediately caught breaking traffic laws himself -- parking on red lines and extending his arms from the window of a moving vehicles to wave to the crowd. Stories like this make people think "no wonder he did not have to cancel his tickets: the police don't dare give him tickets in the first place."
If what Ma is doing is part of the pan blues' legislative campaign strategy, it is not working too well. They'd better think of something else before their time runs out.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,