This year is the 15th anniversary of the Czech people's overthrow of 41 years of communist rule. Taiwan has invited the internationally respected fighter for democracy and former president of the Czech Republic Vaclav Havel for a six-day stay, which began yesterday. We are glad to welcome Havel, whose outstanding contributions to democracy have set an example. We would also like to ask what lessons the country can learn by looking at Havel's experiences.
All his life, Havel has opposed communism. He was sent to prison three times because he would not compromise with the dictators, with sentences ranging from one year to four-and-a-half years. During his time as president, he refused to issue visas to Alexandr Lukashenko, president of Belarus and Leonid Kuchma, president of Ukraine, to attend a NATO meeting in Prague to discuss the 9/11 terror attacks, saying that he did not welcome dictators who violated human rights. His uncompromising and consistent moral courage made him the only incumbent leader of an Eastern European country who, after the region's peaceful revolution, did not visit China. Ignoring Chinese intimidation and pressure, he courageously met with the Dalai Lama, former Taiwanese president Lee Teng-hui (
On Nov. 17, the anniversary of the Czech Republic's "Velvet Revolution," the poet and writer Havel expressed his thoughts in a solemn and sincere article: "If democracy is emptied of values and reduced to a competition of political parties that have `guaranteed' solutions to everything, it can be quite undemocratic." He stressed that, "politics is not just a technology of power, but needs to have a moral dimension." He also called for us all to "ponder the meaning of moral behavior and free action."
There is no hiding the fact that although Taiwan has undergone three democratic presidential elections, party politics has still failed to stay completely on track. The main reason for this is that our political leaders do not have high principles or moral character. Havel's speech can serve as an example to us all. We must remind Taiwan's political parties, both large and small, that morality is the soul of a political party. We must not let lust for power make us stop at nothing to win, for then we lose our political principles. Neither should we speak or act carelessly, for otherwise we undermine our responsibility and harm the welfare of the people.
Ever since the March 20 election, the behavior of the opposition party has been disappointing. Since that time, how many opposition politicians have stood on Ketagalan Boulevard and made irresponsible and sensational statements to the media and the public?
Some have even sought to persuade the military to launch a "soft coup d'etat." After the elections most people in Taiwan actually hoped that the pan-blue camp could fulfill the role of a loyal opposition, and not simply oppose everything the government proposes -- thereby creating more conflict and confrontation in the legislature. But instead they have forgotten the moral responsibility that political parties and politicians owe to the people, the nation and society.
The ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) also has room for improvement. It should have a more humble attitude in the face of criticism from the opposition. The DPP represents Taiwan's indigenous political forces, and its rule is supported by huge public expectations and sacrifice. It has a responsibility to protect Taiwan's current democratic achievements, and internal corruption or any malign tendency to compromise with China will therefore be unforgivable.
Havel's experience can serve as an example for both ruling party and opposition politicians to emulate. His example shows us that politicians must not set aside morality and responsibility, and this is a lesson that Taiwan's politicians, at this stage of the country's democratic development, sorely need to learn.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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