President Chen Shui-bian (
If the ruling and opposition parties can conduct a rational debate on the country's major issues, such an occasion is much to be anticipated. But the premise is that the legislature will abide by the spirit of the Constitution and in a legal, rational and reasonable manner allows the president to make his report.
In his request, the president said he wishes to explain to legislators such vital policies as the nation's efforts to participate in the UN and cross-strait affairs, in accordance with Article 4-3 in the Additional Articles of the Constitution (
Chen's attempt to communicate should be welcomed by society, as it has considerable jurisprudential significance. It will help overcome a lack of communication between the ruling and opposition parties that has persisted since the presidential election. Yet whether this attempt will succeed in achieving an effective political dialogue will depend on the wisdom of both parties.
Taiwan's government is not a presidential system. The Constitution clearly states that the nation's highest administrative body is the Executive Yuan, and the premier leads the ministers in directing the operations of the central government. The country's highest representational body is the Legislative Yuan, whose role is to monitor the executive's administrative performance.
The president's role is to transcend political parties and serve as a mediator between the five branches of government and as the nation's representative in dealings with foreign leaders. Chen's "state-of-the-nation" address cannot be considered a question session, for this would detract from the status of the executive.
If, in order to gain support for this address, the president chooses to interact with legislators during the delivery of this address, he might choose to use a procedure similar to that adopted by former president Lee Teng-hui (
In former times, the president was elected through a vote of the National Assembly, and Article One of the Additional Articles of the Constitution states that "When the National Assembly convenes, it may hear a report on the state of the nation by the president, review national affairs, and offer counsel." Even though in 1996 the president was directly elected, Lee used this article to address the National Assembly. He heard responses from members of the assembly and to show his respect he concluded with a final report.
Provided Chen is invited by the legislature, he can give the report in the same fashion. After reporting, each party's representative legislators -- in proportion to the make-up in the legislature -- can offer suggestions to Chen, and Chen can respond at the end of the session, or at some other time or place.
Before the Constitution is rewritten, the president needs to abide by the law while seeking ways to satisfy the legislators. The legislature should adhere to the spirit of the Constitution by inviting Chen for a dialogue.
By so doing, the administration and legislature can communicate under the same roof and separate the arms procurement deal from electoral calculations. In this way, Chen's state-of-the-nation report can set a great example in constitutional history.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,