During the extraordinary legislative session on Monday, the Legislative Yuan finally completed the historical mission of Taiwan's constitutional reform when it officially passed the constitutional amendments to reduce the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113 and replace the "multi-member district, single-vote" system by a "single-member district, two-vote" system. The amendments were made in accordance with the rational ideology of legislative reform in advanced democratic countries. They will further strengthen the nation's relatively weak democratic tradition, so that Taiwan can catch up with both Japan and South Korea, and become a model democratic Asian country.
During the constitutional reform process, discordant voices could be heard from both the ruling and opposition parties. This really worried the non-governmental groups which were concerned about the reform issue. But the Nuke-4 Referendum Initiative Association, led by Lin I-hsiung (
The significance of the legislative reforms lies in underlining the will of the people to overcome powerful political interest groups through the mobilization of public opinion and making use of democratic procedures. This kind of democracy is still rare and precious in Asia. As Lin said, the quality of Taiwan's politics is not dependant on the number of legislative seats, but on the quality of the politicians who fill them. The untrustworthiness and bad reputation of some politicians has caused public resentment for many years. Therefore, the upsurge of public opinion that has brought about this legislative reform is a punishment for the poor quality of legislative activity, and sounds the death knell for those politicians who cannot keep faith with the public.
The unprecedented cooperation of the four main parties in pushing through legislative reforms seems to indicate that the chances of future constitutional reforms, or even a new constitution, have been greatly increased. The current Constitution is clearly no longer a sacred text that cannot be altered. Moreover, despite China's threats and bullying to prevent the reform process, Taiwanese forged ahead in a determined manner. Taiwan's four major parties have cooperated in conforming to the public's will, and have created a great victory for democracy. This is the beginning of a new era for Taiwan's identity.
The legislative downsizing and the adoption of a "single-member district, two-vote" system will come into force in the seventh legislative elections, which take place in 2007 (the legislature will be swon in in 2008). It is expected that Taiwan's political environment will change as a result, becoming dominated by two political blocs which might incorporate other, smaller parties. If the year-end legislative elections prove to be detrimental to the interests, or even the survival, of small parties, then the shift to two political parties is even more unavoidable. If this is the case, Taiwan will inevitably tend toward establishing a presidential system of government, which will gradually replace the unbalanced dual-executive system currently in place. It is the achievement of Taiwan, after 50 years of authoritarian rule, to now be firmly established on the road to democracy. This is a substantial symbol of the will of the Taiwanese people. If this political will is maintained, it is likely that referendums may also be written into the Constitution. Then there will be no cause for foreigners to criticize Taiwan's internal affairs any more.
On Sept. 3 in Tiananmen Square, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rolled out a parade of new weapons in PLA service that threaten Taiwan — some of that Taiwan is addressing with added and new military investments and some of which it cannot, having to rely on the initiative of allies like the United States. The CCP’s goal of replacing US leadership on the global stage was advanced by the military parade, but also by China hosting in Tianjin an August 31-Sept. 1 summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which since 2001 has specialized
In an article published by the Harvard Kennedy School, renowned historian of modern China Rana Mitter used a structured question-and-answer format to deepen the understanding of the relationship between Taiwan and China. Mitter highlights the differences between the repressive and authoritarian People’s Republic of China and the vibrant democracy that exists in Taiwan, saying that Taiwan and China “have had an interconnected relationship that has been both close and contentious at times.” However, his description of the history — before and after 1945 — contains significant flaws. First, he writes that “Taiwan was always broadly regarded by the imperial dynasties of
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will stop at nothing to weaken Taiwan’s sovereignty, going as far as to create complete falsehoods. That the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has never ruled Taiwan is an objective fact. To refute this, Beijing has tried to assert “jurisdiction” over Taiwan, pointing to its military exercises around the nation as “proof.” That is an outright lie: If the PRC had jurisdiction over Taiwan, it could simply have issued decrees. Instead, it needs to perform a show of force around the nation to demonstrate its fantasy. Its actions prove the exact opposite of its assertions. A
A large part of the discourse about Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation has centered on conventions of international law and international agreements between outside powers — such as between the US, UK, Russia, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan at the end of World War II, and between the US and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since recognition of the PRC as the sole representative of China at the UN. Internationally, the narrative on the PRC and Taiwan has changed considerably since the days of the first term of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) of the Democratic
RSS