During the extraordinary legislative session on Monday, the Legislative Yuan finally completed the historical mission of Taiwan's constitutional reform when it officially passed the constitutional amendments to reduce the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113 and replace the "multi-member district, single-vote" system by a "single-member district, two-vote" system. The amendments were made in accordance with the rational ideology of legislative reform in advanced democratic countries. They will further strengthen the nation's relatively weak democratic tradition, so that Taiwan can catch up with both Japan and South Korea, and become a model democratic Asian country.
During the constitutional reform process, discordant voices could be heard from both the ruling and opposition parties. This really worried the non-governmental groups which were concerned about the reform issue. But the Nuke-4 Referendum Initiative Association, led by Lin I-hsiung (
The significance of the legislative reforms lies in underlining the will of the people to overcome powerful political interest groups through the mobilization of public opinion and making use of democratic procedures. This kind of democracy is still rare and precious in Asia. As Lin said, the quality of Taiwan's politics is not dependant on the number of legislative seats, but on the quality of the politicians who fill them. The untrustworthiness and bad reputation of some politicians has caused public resentment for many years. Therefore, the upsurge of public opinion that has brought about this legislative reform is a punishment for the poor quality of legislative activity, and sounds the death knell for those politicians who cannot keep faith with the public.
The unprecedented cooperation of the four main parties in pushing through legislative reforms seems to indicate that the chances of future constitutional reforms, or even a new constitution, have been greatly increased. The current Constitution is clearly no longer a sacred text that cannot be altered. Moreover, despite China's threats and bullying to prevent the reform process, Taiwanese forged ahead in a determined manner. Taiwan's four major parties have cooperated in conforming to the public's will, and have created a great victory for democracy. This is the beginning of a new era for Taiwan's identity.
The legislative downsizing and the adoption of a "single-member district, two-vote" system will come into force in the seventh legislative elections, which take place in 2007 (the legislature will be swon in in 2008). It is expected that Taiwan's political environment will change as a result, becoming dominated by two political blocs which might incorporate other, smaller parties. If the year-end legislative elections prove to be detrimental to the interests, or even the survival, of small parties, then the shift to two political parties is even more unavoidable. If this is the case, Taiwan will inevitably tend toward establishing a presidential system of government, which will gradually replace the unbalanced dual-executive system currently in place. It is the achievement of Taiwan, after 50 years of authoritarian rule, to now be firmly established on the road to democracy. This is a substantial symbol of the will of the Taiwanese people. If this political will is maintained, it is likely that referendums may also be written into the Constitution. Then there will be no cause for foreigners to criticize Taiwan's internal affairs any more.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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