"The Marines have landed, and the situation is well in hand."
These were the words of the war correspondent Richard Harding Davis in 1885. Marines worldwide are known as much for their intense institutional pride -- some call it arrogance -- as they are for their fighting abilities.
Taiwan's Marines are no less proud than their counterparts elsewhere, and according to US House Resolution 437, in which two congressmen proposed asking Taiwan to send 5,000 Marines to Iraq, the Republic of China Marine Corps has a "deserved reputation throughout the Far East for their high level of training and motivation."
This may be true, but regardless of their reputation, sending Taiwan's Marines to Iraq would be folly of the first order. The idea has all the hallmarks of a creative political strategy destined for tactical failure. In short, it is worse than useless.
If representatives Dana Rohrabacher and Jim Ryun sincerely want to boost the US' relationship with Taiwan, they should propose something a little less provocative and a little more realistic.
Neither the US' nor Taiwan's interests would be served by sending Taiwan's military to participate in the coalition's effort in Iraq. What both countries do need is a Taiwanese military capable of credibly defending Taiwan. Politicians come and go, but foreign policy blunders are forever.
A far better idea would be to start sending large numbers of Taiwan's junior and mid-level officers and non-commissioned officers (NCOs) to attend the various war and staff colleges in the US.
This is not because Taiwan is incapable of training its own personnel, but rather because the US' commitment to provide for Taiwan's defense under the Taiwan Relations Act is vital to Taiwan's survival. And for the US to successfully assist in the defense of Taiwan requires two things: making sure that Taiwan is able to defend itself during the initial stages of a Chinese assault, and ensuring that Taiwan can successfully carry out combined arms operations, possibly in concert with the US and whatever allies decide to lend a hand (read: Japan).
Taiwan's ability to defend itself during the initial stages of an attack has been called into question by many military observers. According to a host of reports, Taiwan will be qualitatively surpassed by the People's Liberation Army in the next few years. So, what better way to signal that the US and Taiwan are committed to defending the nebulous "status quo" -- which is anything but -- than to have the US provide extensive training to Taiwan's military?
Furthermore, joint force and combined arms operations -- that is, different types of combat units working together to achieve the same goal -- are not to be taken lightly. Combat units in the US spend hundreds of training hours practicing joint ops. It requires a great deal of training and practice to effectively carry out combined arms operations.
It is difficult to coordinate thousands of disparate units on a battlefield of moderate proportions, even when they speak the same language and use much of the same equipment, and it doesn't take much to imagine how difficult joint combat operations between Taiwanese and US forces would be in the Taiwan Strait or, God forbid, in Taiwan itself.
The US regularly conducts joint training operations with dozens of nations, but it isn't likely that Taiwan will be invited to any major regional joint-training operations in the near future. The next best thing would be to have Taiwanese service members -- especially junior officers and NCOs -- training alongside their US counterparts in professional military courses on a large scale.
Don't send Taiwan's Marines to Iraq. Send them to the Amphibious Warfare School in Quantico, Virginia.
Mac William Bishop, a former US Marine, is an editor at the Taipei Times.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,