President Chen Shui-bian (
On the issues of constitutional reforms and cross-strait relationship -- about which there is much concern, both within the country and overseas -- Chen's remarks suggested compromises on his part to live up to expectations from all sides. Generally speaking, the inaugural speech accomplished the effect of being "safe and steady," especially after the pan-blue camp's mass protests and lawsuits seeking to declare the election null and void.
The relationship between the opposition and ruling camps has reached an all-time low and society as a whole is riddled with restless sentiment. The president's inaugural speech especially addressed this point, reminding people that "various ethnic groups, because of their disparate history and distinctive subcultures, understandably hold divergent views and values. Recognizing such inherent differences, we should embrace one another with more tolerance and understanding."
"Regardless of whether an individual identifies with Taiwan or with the Republic of China, a common destiny has bequeathed upon all of us the same parity and dignity. Let us therefore relinquish differentiations between `native' and `foreign' and between `minority' and `majority,' for the most complimentary and accurate depiction of present-day Taiwan is of a people `ethnically diverse, but one as a nation,'" Chen said.
He pointed out that unifying Taiwan, stabilizing the cross-strait relationship as well as domestic society, and having a prosperous economy are the heart-felt expectations of the people, and therefore the top priorities for the government's future policy implementation.
Regarding the issue of constitutional reform, Chen indicated that his reforms will be geared toward better management of the government, improved government efficiency, confirming the roots of the democratic rule of law, and sustainable governance and security of the country. On the substantive level, he plans to organize a Constitutional Reform Committee to identify common ground within society for the scope and procedures of the constitutional reforms, and to accommodate the monitoring of the public as well as commentators.
Chen emphasized that "the Republic of China now exists in Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. This is a fact. Taiwan's existence as a member of international society is also a fact. Such realities cannot be negated by anyone for any reason -- for therein lies the collective will of the people of Taiwan."
He said that if both sides are willing, on the basis of goodwill, to create an environment built upon "peaceful development and freedom of choice," then the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China -- or Taiwan and China -- "can seek to establish relations in any form they desire. We would not exclude any possibility, as long as the consent of Taiwan's 23 million people is gained."
Middle way
Chen also reiterated the promises and principles set forth in his inaugural speech in 2000. "Those commitments have been honored -- they have not changed over the past four years, nor will they change in the next four years," he said, adding that he would establish a Committee for Cross-Strait Peace and Development to draft the guidelines for cross-strait peace and development. These statements demonstrate his alignment toward the "middle way." The US, China and all camps within and outside of Taiwan should find them generally acceptable.
Whether Chen's concessions will be reciprocated by China remains to be seen, especially after Beijing on May 17 issued a harshly-worded declaration, making threats and criticisms about Taiwan's move to strengthen its sovereignty, as if Taiwan has no choice but to succumb. Beijing's statement was obviously intended to influence Chen's inaugural speech, and anyone who reads the speech can discover the shadows cast by China.
The president needs to seek domestic and international consensus on major issues and should of course exercise caution in his leadership of the country. In this respect, the inaugural speech indeed sought to accomplish a highly challenging task.
However, Beijing continues to claim that Taiwan is part of China, and it keeps escalating its military threats. If we allow them to believe that intensifying the pressure on Taiwan can get them what they want, then Chen's endeavors to consider the overall good will convey a message to China that it can keep pushing us around. Against a backdrop of continued Chinese hostility, hastily expanding and enlarging cross-strait exchanges in journalism, information, education, culture, trade and economy, as well as pushing for direct links, can only increase the likeliness that China will step up its unification propaganda while continuing to hollow out Taiwan's economy.
For Taiwan, the evolution of democratic reforms have reached the point where a new constitution is required. This is supported by the fact that Chen's campaign proposal to draft a new constitution helped him win over the hearts of the people. But in his inaugural speech "drafting a new constitution" has been replaced by a "constitutional re-engineering project," suggesting that issues involving sovereignty, territory and unification versus independence should not be included in the scope of the project.
Moreover, in terms of the procedure of the constitutional reform, the first and also the last ad hoc National Assembly will be elected by the Legislative Yuan according to the existing Constitution and charged with the task of adopting the constitutional reform proposal as passed by the legislature. Abolishing the National Assembly, incorporating the people's right to hold referendums into the Constitution and reforming the Constitution itself will all be accomplished in this way.
Chen said that the last six constitutional amendments over the past 10 years had been spearheaded by one man and one party. He went on to state that in the future, the Constitutional Reform Committee would seek the greatest social commonality in terms of the scope and procedure of the constitutional reform, despite the fact that he had himself already determined the fundamental elements of the reforms. This would seem to contradict fundamental democratic principles. What is worth waiting for is Chen's additional promise to hand over a new version of the Constitution -- one that is timely, relevant and viable -- before the end of his term in 2008.
In addition, the president has recognized that various ethnic groups hold divergent views and values, and that, "recognizing such inherent differences, we should embrace one another with more tolerance and understanding."
Ethnic divisions
The ethnic divisions within Taiwan is indeed a problem that cannot be overlooked and has to be addressed in the democratic re-engineering project. Chen is right to openly speak about the problem. Unfortunately, apart from calling for tolerance and understanding, he did not propose any substantive measures to solve the problem. We must realize that, as long as the issue of national identification within Taiwan has not been resolved, China can continue its unification propaganda, and it can also continue posing a threat to Taiwan.
In addition to seeking a balance point for Taiwanese sovereignty, both domestically and internationally, there is also the need to find a way to move forward. A lot of thought went into Chen's inaugural speech. It sought to find the best balance points for all sides, demonstrating Chen's pragmatism and responsible attitude and finding ways to win US recognition while not giving China any excuse to criticize Taiwan.
Although some shortcomings in the speech have been pointed out, no one can deny that the speech has been successful. Moreover, as suggested by our ancestors, "the importance of governance is not in what one says."
Not all of Chen's strategies and policies in governance can be conveyed through one single speech. With the domestic and international situation often changing in the blink of an eye, Chen will naturally have to make the necessary adjustments based on objective needs and in accordance with the principles of democracy, so that he can lead Taiwan toward the goal of becoming a normal country.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
RSS