While most recent attention has focused on what messages President Chen Shui-bian (
How should we anticipate this "A-bian era"? Can Chen continue to build his leadership based on democratic principles and decisive actions?
That Chen garnered over half the popular vote is indisputable. The question now is how he will manage this new mandate in accordance with public expectations and translate his campaign messages into concrete actions.
A political leader should monitor the pulse of the times in which he lives. He need not mute his desire for change or modify his ideas, but he must make sure his style matches the public's mood.
The election showed that Chen and his government have been in line with the mainstream public opinion in terms of promoting national identity. Further, the returns imply that over 50 percent of voters trust that Chen will continue reforms in political institutions, crime-fighting, education and economic rejuvenation.
With such a mandate, Chen need not limit his goals. However, he must skillfully lower his voice, bend his knees and take smaller steps. After all, the razor-thin victory reveals a divided society. How to regain the public's trust in his leadership and in the government will be one of Chen's challenges.
A smart leader should realize when the national mood has changed. Exhausted by partisan disputes, ethnic divisions and extremism on both sides of the unification-independence dichotomy, the country wants political leaders to resolve their differences.
Therefore, learning how to be both a "bargaining" president and an "action" president will be the key to Chen's success in the next four years.
To fulfill his pledges, Chen must build a clear strategy for implementing them. He must accelerate his proposals to establish task forces to reduce ethnic divisions, and must maintain peaceful and stable interactions with China.
To bridge partisan differences and pursue political reconciliation with the opposition, Chen should follow a strategy of persuasion and bargaining to seek common ground on key policies.
Even the year-end legislative election might inhibit constructive cooperation between political parties. Chen needs to continue to serve as a father figure to help the public learn that the country faces both domestic and international difficulties. The extent to which political parties can put aside their differences and work together for the common people's good will determine the nation's future.
The power to negotiate determines whether Chen should be aggressive or conciliatory in promoting his policies. When he speaks out boldly to set an agenda for constitutional revision by 2006, should he focus on incremental change rather than radical adjustments? Is it time to run up the flag and charge, or to mediate differences and seek to move the consensus by stages?
Chen must act like a CEO who insists on tough discipline among his team, for the partially reorganized Cabinet acts as his policy executor. There is no room for the administration to repeat its mistakes.
Chen should keep in mind that politicians do not just need public support to win elections; they need it to govern. A politician needs a permanent campaign to keep a permanent majority, but this goal does not mean abandoning principle. It means caring enough about how you explain yourself to get the nation solidly behind you.
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,
On April 19, former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) gave a public speech, his first in about 17 years. During the address at the Ketagalan Institute in Taipei, Chen’s words were vague and his tone was sour. He said that democracy should not be used as an echo chamber for a single politician, that people must be tolerant of other views, that the president should not act as a dictator and that the judiciary should not get involved in politics. He then went on to say that others with different opinions should not be criticized as “XX fellow travelers,” in reference to
Within Taiwan’s education system exists a long-standing and deep-rooted culture of falsification. In the past month, a large number of “ghost signatures” — signatures using the names of deceased people — appeared on recall petitions submitted by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) against Democratic Progressive Party legislators Rosalia Wu (吳思瑤) and Wu Pei-yi (吳沛憶). An investigation revealed a high degree of overlap between the deceased signatories and the KMT’s membership roster. It also showed that documents had been forged. However, that culture of cheating and fabrication did not just appear out of thin air — it is linked to the