During a Tuesday meeting between Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers and KMT Vice Chairman and Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (
Lee's words brought to the surface an issue that had been on the minds of many KMT members since the election -- that someone within the KMT has to shoulder the responsibility for the defeat.
While not many people dare to say aloud the name of the person who more than anyone else should take the responsibility -- KMT Chairman Lien Chan (
Lien has to be feeling the heat now, although party members continue to call for consolidation of the party leadership and his name was conveniently omitted from all discussions about resignation.
Not only was Lee's statement echoed by other KMT members, but Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (
If Lien had a shred of integrity left, he would feel the pressure. If all the small potatoes in the party resign, what is his excuse for not resigning? After all, he was the one who was defeated in the election. If he sits idly by as these people take the hit for him, he will lose all respect from others. For Lien to dodge responsibility would be feudal and entirely at odds with democracy's fundamental principles. Unlike in the feudal era, when leaders would never admit their mistakes and sacrifice their supporters to secure power meant virtually nothing, a real leader in any democracy is always the first to take accountability.
It isn't as if Lien has not had his chances. This presidential election marks the third major defeat the KMT has suffered under his leadership, the first being the 2000 presidential election and the second being the last legislative election, in which the KMT lost so many seats that lost its legislative majority and fell behind the Democratic Progressive Party to become the second-largest party in the legislature.
The strange thing is this: Lien always says he is not to blame. In the 2000 election, the problem was the so-called "dump Lien to save Chen" (Shui-bian,
Under the circumstances, it is not surprising that Lien has said that Chen was the "only one to blame" for the violence that erupted as a result of the rally organized by his party last Saturday after he went home for supper and a nice hot shower.
It is in times like these that one sees clearly how much better a man Lee was than Lien is. When asked by Lien and Ma to step down as party chairman after the 2000 election, he did so immediately in order to take responsibility for the defeat. One cannot help but wonder what has happened to Lien's moral courage over the past four years.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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