What separates great leaders from good leaders is that great leaders can identify challenges and tackle them with vision and determination. President Chen Shui-bian's (
Chen is facing three major challenges: an antagonistic Beijing regime that has shown no respect for the newly re-elected president; a US-Taiwan relationship that is somewhat damaged by different views on Chen's push for a referendum; and a prolonged domestic entanglement over the election that originates from a lack of trust in the past four years.
Despite the fact that Beijing has not reacted in an extreme way to Chen's victory, it has used diplomatic as well as political means to sabotage Chen's new mandate. For example, soon after Chen was officially certified as the winner of the election, Beijing bought out Taiwan's diplomatic ally, Dominica. Moreover, Beijing's plan to dictate policy on political reform in Hong Kong -- which includes a proposal to directly elect the head of the Special Administrative Region by 2007 -- is regarded as a "preventive mechanism" to counter growing local consciousness.
Even though Chen has called for both sides of the Taiwan Strait to put aside the political deadlock and restart dialogue on a peace framework, China has poured cold water on Chen's new goodwill gesture. Chen will have to work hard to draw Beijing into a fair game.
When it comes to the question of repairing the strained Taipei-Washington relationship, Chen will have to reassure his American counterparts that the US will not be caught in the middle of a clash between Taiwanese consciousness and Chinese nationalism. In particular, he must make it clear that his desire to approve a new constitution by 2006 has no bearing on the status quo.
While urging the US to play a constructive role as mediator between Taipei and Beijing, Chen will have to explain to the US government what steps he will take to make cross-strait interaction workable and predictable.
Given that the US presidential election is approaching, Chen must work hard to restore Washington's trust and establish clear and candid channels of communication.
Because Chen pledged during the election that he would continue to reform and build trust in Taiwan, the first item on his domestic agenda must be to bridge the divisions in Taiwanese society that resulted from a heated election campaign.
As a country struggling to deepen democracy, Taiwan yearns for more discipline, structure and order in all aspects of its national life. Upset with political finger-pointing, a sense of political chaos and instability and sometimes-intentional political manipulation of ethnic problems, Taiwanese voters are looking for national reconciliation and leadership that can bring forth a mature civil society.
Last month's election displayed a public eagerness for more political stability, economic improvement, efficient government and well-established political institutions and rule of law.
By taking the theme of strength and unity and applying it to healthy political competition, anti-corruption efforts, economic rejuvenation, crime-fighting and government downsizing, Chen can win more support.
When his administration was criticized by the opposition as "the new kids in town" four years ago, Chen stepped out and launched a campaign based on love for Taiwan and a continued belief in reform. The 1.5 million additional votes that Chen received in this year's election represent a mandate for him. Making use of his popularity to advance cross-strait rapprochement, rejuvenate the US-Taiwan relationship and promote national harmony would position him to establish three major legacies during his time in office.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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