The post-election political protests initiated by Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
The entire political fiasco created by the pan-blue camp is a disgrace to the nation's hard-won democracy -- but an even bigger public-relations disaster for the KMT. Lien's narrow-mindedness in pursuing the invalidation of the election and his lust for power not only have undermined the legitimacy of his call for a recount but also have wounded the pan-blue alliance. Society would have begun healing the divisions caused by the election campaign if it weren't for Lien's refusal to recognize that he led his party to a second-straight presidential-election loss.
Given Chen's razor-thin margin of victory, it is understandable that Lien supporters would want to voice their dissatisfaction. But the key is how to translate this public dissatisfaction into a driving force for the pan-blue camp. The close race between US President George W. Bush and former vice president Al Gore in the US presidential 2000 election is a classic example of how democratic values can be treasured.
After a month-long recount in Florida and the Supreme Court's rejection of his petition, Gore's concession speech called upon Americans to heal the divisions of the campaign. Gore extended his support to Bush by saying that "partisan feeling must yield to patriotism ... what remains of partisan rancor must now be put aside and may God bless his stewardship of this country."
Gore's timely statement saved the American people from endless political maneuvering and a potentially empty power center. Neither he nor Bush anticipated any political turmoil. Both of them understood that their differences had to be resolved through the honored institutions of the US' democracy.
Compare Gore's words and actions with those of Lien. Gore strongly disagreed with the Supreme Court's decision, but he accepted it for the sake of the American people and the strength of American democracy. Lien first filed a lawsuit asking for a recount, but failed to provide any concrete evidence of vote-rigging. Then he questioned the validity of the election and called for a new one -- even before the Taiwan High Court threw out his first suit.
Each time Lien has been offered what he has demanded -- a recount and a broader investigation into the attack on Chen last Friday -- he has refused to accept the offer and has made a new demand. At each step, he has shown he is willing to see the nation's democracy trampled on.
This is what separates a great political leader from a political clown. Disappointment must be overcome by love of country. A country's emerging democracy must not be sacrificed for one man's political vanity.
Today's rally could be a turning point in this country's history. Any attempt to riot will turn the clock back. This would be a huge setback and humiliation to what people have strived for in the past decades.
The people clearly believe in democratic consolidation and they shall prevail. Hopefully the international community will not see this political grandstanding by Lien as a sign of crisis.
The strength of the nation's democracy is shown most clearly through the difficulties it can endure. There is no reason not to have full confidence that democratic values will ultimately prevail -- and that most of the people who live in this country will accept the result peacefully and follow the spirit of reconciliation.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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