After the final days of an intense campaign, both the pan-green and pan-blue alliances will hold their jumping nerves to await the results of the third presidential election and the first nationwide referendum today.
I support the re-election of President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). I believe the continuation of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government will further the nation's democratic progress, help the people pursue their sovereign rights and promise Taiwan a dignified future.
In contrast to the pan-blue camp, which has absolutely no vision for Taiwan's future, the DPP has a clear blueprint and timetable to bring an end to Taiwan's sham Constitution (which was drafted in Nanjing in 1946 and does not include Taiwan in its 35 provinces), offensive flag (with a Chinese Nationalist Party [KMT] symbol on top, symbolizing the party's control of the country) and an oblivious national anthem. These efforts will bring back the truth of Taiwan, and demand that the world take note of the reality of Taiwan.
Contrary to most people's prediction that if Chen wins it will increase instability in the Taiwan Strait, I believe that his re-election will bring to a halt and eventually terminate Beijing's decades of delusion and efforts to annex Taiwan.
It will highlight the people's heartfelt desire for sovereign rights and decision to determine their own fate and future. It will show the world the inevitability of the establishment of an independent Taiwan. It will force dictators in Beijing to face reality and thus adopt realistic policies toward Taiwan.
History has proved time and again that it is not facing reality, but indulging in illusions that bring disastrous situations to national and international affairs. Now, the unification of China and Taiwan is only an illusion for Beijing and the pan-blue camp, for it is impossible now and in the future. It is obvious that even after China becomes a democratic country, the people of Taiwan -- who have enjoyed democracy and prosperity for years -- would accept becoming a province of China.
The pan-blue's policy of not touching the sovereignty issue would only invite Beijing to increase its efforts to impose the "one country, two systems" policy, which is absolutely not acceptable to the people.
After the KMT's 50-year rule, the Chen administration's mere four years in power is not enough to replace the hefty bureaucracy of the old system. We need to give the DPP more time to inject fresh blood into a new democratic system. Unlike the charade of KMT Chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and People First Party Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜), who joined forces only to gain power and would soon begin a power struggle if they win the election, Chen's administration has proven its unity in its efforts to bring hope and dignity to Taiwan.
Chen's re-election will also help maintain peace and stability in East Asia. Many Asian countries have already begun to fear an economically strong and totalitarian China's influence in the region.
If the pro-China pan-blue alliance, which has been kowtowing to Beijing throughout the election, wins, it will be a step back not only for Taiwan's democracy, but also for Asian people as a whole. It will be especially damaging for the people of Hong Kong, who are fighting for direct elections of their own governor. Chen's re-election will also show the world that Taiwan is a sovereign country.
I hope people will vote for Chen, and vote for a green spring in Taiwan.
Cao Chang-ching is a writer and journalist based in New York.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
RSS