At the Democratic Progressive Party's 17th anniversary celebrations on Sunday, party chairman and President Chen Shui-bian (
In terms of constitutional history, the Constitution of the Republic of China is a special example. Legally, it has been in effect for more than half a century -- it was promulgated on Jan. 1, 1947. Strictly speaking, however, it has never really been put into effect. Written for 500 million people (China's population at the time), it has long been foisted upon Taiwan's population of 23 million. This absurd incompatibility with reality is recognized by the public, but whether to amend the Constitution or simply write a new one has been a source of dispute between political parties.
For a long time, the DPP has had internal disagreements over these two approaches. There has always been a powerful force within the party calling for a new Constitution. Former party chairmen Huang Erh-hsuan (
In 1997, then party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang (
Even though the amendments resolved some of the problems facing democratization, they could not resolve the fundamental problem -- the Constitution simply does not fit Taiwan.
Chen's announcement on Sunday will revive calls within the DPP for a new Constitution. Chen has political considerations in making the proposal. First of all, Chen can absorb the pro-independence forces and set a political goal over and above Lee's and the Taiwan Solidarity Union's (TSU) platform calling for a name change. He can then regain a leadership position of pro-independence forces. Next, he can deepen the theme of next year's presidential campaign -- a showdown between "one China" and "one country on each side." Third, he can provoke China into making some inappropriate response -- perhaps a repeat of the 1996 missile crisis or former premier Zhu Rongji's (朱鎔基) threats on the eve of the 2000 election.
Of course, Chen is also taking a major risk by proposing a new Constitution. By accusing Chen of pushing for independence, the opposition camp may arouse fears of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait. Such attempts to spark fear in the public, however, did not succeed in 1996 and 2000. Whether they will succeed this time by causing middle-of-the-road voters to dump the green camp and vote blue remains to be seen.
Given that the Constitution remains problematic after six amendments, it is reasonable to write a new Constitution to solve the problems once and for all. It's only that, with its disadvantaged position in the legislature, the DPP has difficulty pushing for a referendum law, not to mention a new Constitution. Chen has spelled out the ultimate goal of Taiwan's democratization, but more effort will be needed to achieve it.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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