The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) celebrated its 17th anniversary yesterday. Many public opinion polls show that many people do not feel safe under the party's rule even though they are also unwilling to see a return of the Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) rule. As a result, the blue camp's lead over the green camp has remained unchanged. How to break this deadlock and win back the public's trust is the DPP's main task for the next 12 months.
The DPP won political power on an anti-corruption and "love Taiwan" platform and a "new middle road" political discourse. But the party lacked the breadth of talent necessary to form a truly competent government. Taking up the reins of government before it was really ready for the job caused the DPP to stumble time and again. Its government has faced obstructionism by the opposition at every turn. External factors such as the global economic slowdown also made it difficult for the party to realize its policies and ideals.
Since its promises of "happiness and hope" fizzled, the DPP seems to have lost the ability to create a new discourse. President Chen Shui-bian (
For example, one long-term DPP policy is to revoke the tax exemptions and 18-percent preferential deposit interest rate given to servicemen, civil servants and teachers. The Executive Yuan has drafted amendments to the tax laws and sent them for legislative review. But Chen recently surprised the Executive Yuan and the DPP by announcing that these perks will not be revoked during his term. His announcement was apparently aimed at easing the pressure of protest by teachers scheduled for yesterday, as well as trying to woo votes from teachers and civil servants.
His announcement set a bad precedent. We have seen similar policy U-turns regarding reforms of the farmers' and fishermen's credit cooperatives and educational reforms. These have created doubts among the public about the DPP's reforms.
The DPP has always had a democratic tradition. However, to resolve conflicts between government and party policies, Chen broke with the party's tradition of separating government and party powers, and took over as party chairman. This has resolved intra-party conflicts, but it has also caused intra-party pluralism to wither. Even after the party's defeat in the Hualien County commissioner by-election, little dissent was heard inside the party.
The DPP is suffering from a policy-making crisis. It appears to be following in the footsteps of the KMT. In an attempt to defend its political power, the DPP has begun to show a conservative, even regressive attitude, only comparing mistakes and not comparing progressiveness. Bravely challenging authority and constantly seeking reform and progress used to be the hallmarks of the DPP.
Getting re-elected is the party's main focus because only with another four-year term will it be able to carry out its planned reforms. For many voters, however, the re-election of a DPP without the determination to reform will be futile. The DPP is now facing suspicion and mistrust from middle-of-the-ground voters about its performance. To win them back, the DPP will have to restore its democratic spirit and insist on reforms. Only then can it meet the public's expectations.
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means