Recent media reports have speculated that President Chen Shui-bian (
The KMT was the first one to weigh in on the issue, saying that allowing Taiwanese businesses in China to be listed here was already part of the party's economic and trade policies and the platform of the KMT-PFP alliance. The KMT ridiculed the DPP's ambivalence about cross-strait economic and trade policy and compared it to what KMT said was its early formulation of policy guidelines that will provide direct fundraising channels for Taiwanese businesses in China, including stock market listings and Taiwan depository receipts.
The KMT is once again living up to its name: the Kuomingtang of China. "China" was taken out of its English name in order to show that the party has been localized, but the KMT still blows bubbles for China. Ever since losing power, the KMT has ganged up with the pro-unification propaganda machine and hyped China's markets relentlessly, as if China is a panacea for all of Taiwan's woes. This has been done to achieve its goal of using business to pressure the government and using China to pressure Taiwan.
As for the nation's diplomatic predicament, the KMT advocates acceptance of Beijing's "one China" principle -- as if China will give up its attempts to isolate Taiwan diplomatically once Taipei accepts the principle, as if Taiwanese would be able to sleep easily from then on and other countries would spontaneously establish diplomatic relations with Taipei. The KMT advocates marching west into China, including direct links. Now they want Taiwanese businesses based in China to get listed in Taiwan. They are not only encouraging capitalists to move money to China, but also want to allow them to scrape away the money of small-time pop-and-mom investors and take it to China.
Once the KMT wanted to re-conquer China. Now it wants to use Taiwan's power to make China strong. Of course, the party leaders will not admit it, so they hype up China's political and economic power.
The pro-unification forces represented by the KMT have always attacked the DPP for its suspicions about China, saying they are driven by ideology. But the pro-unification camp's superstitious obsession with China's power is so far above ideology that it has become a fanatical religion.
Even under the transparent political and economic environments of Taiwan and Western countries, the financial structures of listed companies are not easy to monitor. Major shareholders of listed companies frequently hype information and exploit investors. Given China's opaque environment, the situation is much worse. Taiwan's authorities cannot reach the Taiwanese businesses operating in China. Beijing will not allow Taipei to monitor them. Under these circumstances, the lack of transparency in China will only encourage unscrupulous businesspeople and pro-unification forces to join hands to manipulate the market.
If even the DPP thinks the China fever is a vote winner, then why should the electorate cast their votes for a party that changes its position for the sake of elections instead of voting for the KMT, which has never lost its love for China.
The government should not get caught up in the myth of China's great market and economic opportunities. It should have confidence in the rational forces of its people. After all, not everyone in Taiwan is a businessperson and not everyone believes in China's power. The government must stand firm and show confidence in formulating policies for Taiwan's political and economic lifelines.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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