One lesson we learned from the outbreak of SARS is how fragile Taiwan becomes when faced with a national crisis.
Look at what happened in the last month. The Taipei City Government accused the Executive Yuan of overlooking the potential spread of SARS. The central government was obsessed with its initial record of zero mortality, zero local transmis-sions and zero transmission abroad. The lack of effective crisis management when an outbreak of SARS hit the Taipei Municipal Hoping Hospital speeded up the spread of the virus.
Hsinchu Mayor Lin Jung-tzer's (林政則) tried to block the transfer of three SARS patients to Hsinchu General Hospital. Residents in other cities and counties have also opposed the transfer of SARS patients to hospitals in their neighborhoods.
KMT Chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and PFP Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) boycotted a national security meeting convened by President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) to collect advice and opinions from the opposition. It would have been their opportunity to privately express to the head of state their views on how to control the epidemic. Then came the public finger-pointing between ruling and opposition legislators over whether the Taipei City Government has mishandled the SARS outbreak.
Embedded in all of this political wrestling is a lack of mutual trust and democratic maturity. This spells the greatest danger for the country.
In contrast, the US' democratic system handles crises in a much more mature fashion. After the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, the US government and citizens at all levels united in their fight against common enemies: al-Qaeda and the Taliban. They encouraged each other and extended unanimous support to the government in its handling of the crisis.
The US has a true civil society shaped by more than 200 years of processes which have fostered mutual trust. This mutual trust shone brightly in the flourishing display of national flags and in patriotic speeches coming from various sectors of society. Americans offered their assistance and condolences to the victims of the World Trade Center, the Pentagon and the plane that crashed in Pennsylvania, even though the only thing Americans shared was nationality.
In Taiwan, such human dignity was also shown after several typhoons hit the country. People worked hand-in-hand with their neighbors in rebuilding. Still, what separates the people of the US from so many others is that, in their hearts, they trust their countrymen.
Regretfully, we have not shown a united front in the face of the SARS crisis. Citizen participation is essential to democracy. But democratic maturity is only achieved through rational debate and mutual respect.
The main reason the oppositions refused to help the government was because of past rivalries. Taiwan's experiences over the past three years illustrates that political stability has a direct bearing on economic development and public confidence. Only a civil society that pursues political reconciliation and cooperation between the governing and opposition parties can constantly develop and produce the optimum benefits of democracy.
This is a time when all Taiwanese should stay calm and united, and understand the importance of being vigilant in peace time. Moreover, it is also a time for us to develop a sense of community.
In troubled times, a free market system of and democracy makes it a lot easier to love each other. While Taiwan is enjoying its economic and political achievements, it still has a long way to go in terms of fostering trust.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,