Since severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) first appeared last November in Guangdong Province before spreading via Hong Kong to the rest of the world, officials at all levels in Beijing have been deceiving their own people and the outside world. The curtain was not lifted until after the Chinese Communist Party's general secretary, President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤), met with Hong Kong Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa (董建華) on April 12 in Shenzhen. Following that meeting, Hu went to Guang-zhou and publicly announced that he was "anxious" about this contagious disease.
Hu's recent tour to the south recalls Deng Xiaoping's (鄧小平) southern tour in 1992. At that time, Deng had already retired from all of his posts. He had even handed the chairman's position at the Central Military Commission to former president Jiang Zemin (江澤民). But Jiang perversely engaged in "opposition to peaceful evolution," and it became difficult for Deng to exercise his influence in Beijing. So Deng went to Guangdong and spoke to the rest of China, calling for reform and also declaring that anyone who didn't undertake reforms would have to step down.
The circumstances of Hu's recent tour to the south were very strange. He left Beijing on April 10 with the primary intent of understanding the SARS problem, but his first stop was in Zhanjiang. Only after that apparent feint did he double back to Shenzhen and Guangzhou.
Meanwhile, back in Beijing, Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶) was still claiming on April 13 that the epidemic was under control and telling people not to worry about travelling. It isn't clear whether Wen was deliberately deceiving people or whether he was also kept in the dark about Hu's real reason for travelling to the south. After Hu had spoken out in the south, however, Wen immediately fell into step with the new line . This shows that they are still, at least, cooperating.
Since preventive measures came too late and the government's credibility is nil, it is understandable that people are fleeing Beijing in a panic and trying to stockpile supplies, even as relatively accurate statistics on death and infection emerge. The strange thing is that in confronting this major crisis of the post-Tiananmen era, only a few leaders are stepping forward to take action. On April 17, Hu presided over a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee to discuss the SARS problem, and he forbade under-reporting of the epidemic -- in a pointed response to the falsifications by military hospitals.
But of the Politburo Standing Committee members, only Hu and Wen have stepped into the foreground. The only other person to take a clear leadership position has been Vice Premier Wu Yi (吳儀), who is not a member of the Standing Committee and is a relative political lightweight.
Jiang's trusted proteges, who are squatting on the Politburo Standing Committee, did not taken a stand, which added to the weird atmosphere. These people only reacted on April 25, and probably then under pressure. On that afternoon, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress met in small groups to review a SARS work report delivered by Wu Yi on behalf of the State Council. National People's Congress Standing Committee Chairman Wu Bangguo (
On the same day, Jiang's protege, Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Chairman Jia Qinglin (
And on April 20, the CCP announced that Health Minister Zhang Wenkang (
On this point, one inevitably wonders what Jiang is doing, given that he stepped down at the CCP's 16th National Congress but kept his post as Chairman of the Central Military Commission and still has the last word on major issues.
On April 21, Hu met with a delegation of US senators visiting Beijing headed by Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist. Given Jiang's love of the limelight and the great importance he attaches to Sino-US relations -- not to mention the fact that the senators had just come from Taiwan -- a meeting with Jiang should have been obligatory, but he never appeared.
On April 22, First Vice Chairman Cho Myong-rok of North Korea's National Defense Commission, visited Beijing. As chairman of the Central Military Commission, Jiang naturally should have met this soldier from an allied country, but once again he didn't appear. Where has Jiang gone?
In the April 24 edition of Hong Kong's Sing Tao Daily, a columnist by the name of Lu Jun (
If one recalls that Mao Zedong (
Meanwhile, the World Health Organization can find no evidence of a cover-up in Shanghai, although medical personnel have revealed to Time magazine that there has indeed been one. Apparently, more sophisticated tactics have been used in Shanghai, and with Jiang personally taking charge, they have been bolder as well. Developments in the Politburo may ultimately take a shocking turn.
Paul Lin is a political commentator based in New York.
Translated by Ethan Harkness
Concerns that the US might abandon Taiwan are often overstated. While US President Donald Trump’s handling of Ukraine raised unease in Taiwan, it is crucial to recognize that Taiwan is not Ukraine. Under Trump, the US views Ukraine largely as a European problem, whereas the Indo-Pacific region remains its primary geopolitical focus. Taipei holds immense strategic value for Washington and is unlikely to be treated as a bargaining chip in US-China relations. Trump’s vision of “making America great again” would be directly undermined by any move to abandon Taiwan. Despite the rhetoric of “America First,” the Trump administration understands the necessity of
US President Donald Trump’s challenge to domestic American economic-political priorities, and abroad to the global balance of power, are not a threat to the security of Taiwan. Trump’s success can go far to contain the real threat — the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) surge to hegemony — while offering expanded defensive opportunities for Taiwan. In a stunning affirmation of the CCP policy of “forceful reunification,” an obscene euphemism for the invasion of Taiwan and the destruction of its democracy, on March 13, 2024, the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) used Chinese social media platforms to show the first-time linkage of three new
If you had a vision of the future where China did not dominate the global car industry, you can kiss those dreams goodbye. That is because US President Donald Trump’s promised 25 percent tariff on auto imports takes an ax to the only bits of the emerging electric vehicle (EV) supply chain that are not already dominated by Beijing. The biggest losers when the levies take effect this week would be Japan and South Korea. They account for one-third of the cars imported into the US, and as much as two-thirds of those imported from outside North America. (Mexico and Canada, while
I have heard people equate the government’s stance on resisting forced unification with China or the conditional reinstatement of the military court system with the rise of the Nazis before World War II. The comparison is absurd. There is no meaningful parallel between the government and Nazi Germany, nor does such a mindset exist within the general public in Taiwan. It is important to remember that the German public bore some responsibility for the horrors of the Holocaust. Post-World War II Germany’s transitional justice efforts were rooted in a national reckoning and introspection. Many Jews were sent to concentration camps not
RSS