Monday was the 15th anniversary of the late president Chiang Ching-kuo's (蔣經國) death. Apart from members of Chiang's family, many politicians who claim to follow in his path also went to his mausoleum and paid homage to him. Some even knelt on the floor and kowtowed.
Relatively famous politicians -- such as Lien Chan (
Both the pro-unification and pro-independence camps claim to love Taiwan. Some people even try to use "loving Taiwan" to manipulate public opinion, thereby confusing the public and generating a national identity problem -- a source of endless political wrangling today. We therefore must ask the various opposition parties: exactly where do you want to take Taiwan? One country, two systems? Or independent sovereignty?
Soong once defined Taiwan-China relations as "quasi-international" relations. We hope the PFP can tell us what that means exactly. Otherwise, such "creative ambiguity" can be interpreted as a political conspiracy aimed at deceiving the people of Taiwan.
Similarly, can Lien's advocacy of peaceful unification with China lead to peaceful coexistence with China in the future, without the ROC losing its independent sovereignty and without China rejecting it? The KMT continues to fudge its explanations of such key policy points. It has yet to explain them to the people of Taiwan. Without clear explanations, anyone can pay lip service to "loving Taiwan" while selling out the interests of the Taiwanese people.
Many people in Taiwan remember Chiang for his efforts in trying to develop the country, which caused the economy to soar, thereby creating an enviable economic miracle. However, Taiwan under Chiang Ching-kuo was still overshadowed by the White Terror. Many people fighting for democracy and human rights suffered great harm. Chiang assumed the presidency in 1978. The Kaohsiung Incident and the murder of former DPP chairman Lin I-hsiung's (
Fortunately, Chiang tacitly allowed the establishment of a local political party two years before his death in 1988, thereby allowing Taiwan to move toward democracy. At the same time, he said he was "also a Taiwanese" and vowed not to let anyone from the Chiang family succeed him. He tried to alleviate alienation between mainlanders and local Taiwanese by appointing Taiwanese to official positions. Chiang's political moves in his later years show that he had come to understand the will of the Taiwanese people to become their own masters. He set an example himself to encourage mainlanders to identify with Taiwan and join hands to create a future for Taiwan.
What's worth remembering about Chiang is his grand political awakening in the last two years of his life. We cannot overlook historical reality and blindly worship him. Otherwise, this absurdity would be comparable to the Chinese people worshipping Mao Zedong (
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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