The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) concluded its 16th National Congress yesterday, with Vice President Hu Jintao (
TV footage of the congress shows delegates casting their votes in order. The voting results also came out as planned, an indication that the party maintains absolute control. The scene was reminiscent of the KMT's 5th National Congress in 1976, during which then president Chiang Ching-kuo (
The KMT and the CCP are fraternal twins born of the Soviet Communist Party's model -- but they followed very different paths of development. After retreating to Taiwan in 1949, the KMT followed an authoritarian capitalist road, liberalizing the economy while maintaining a tight grip on politics.
Later Taiwan's middle class became the mainstay of society and a driving force behind social and political liberalization. After the lifting of martial law and the ban on political parties and newspapers, the democratization process in Taiwan became irreversible. It led to the peaceful transition of political power in 2000 that saw the KMT become an opposition party.
Will the CCP follow in the KMT's footsteps? At this week's congress in Beijing, Jiang's "Three Repre-sents" dictum was incorporated into the party charter. The dictum labels businesspeople an "advanced force" on a par with labor and farmers. This has already sowed the seeds for qualitative change in the party.
The CCP can no longer claim to represent Maoist proletariat rule after a capitalist market mechanism was incorporated into "socialism with Chinese characteristics." Given the tremendous economic developments in Jiang's era, China no longer looks like a communist state. It uses its cheap labor, abundant resources and a huge market to attract investment and grab overseas markets. China is now more capitalist than many capitalist countries.
The CCP now looks like the KMT of 30 years ago -- a party facing the conflict between an open economy and an authoritarian political system. Economic development has created a formidable middle class and the party can no longer ignore this new force in society. The party must incorporate it. The people who attracted the most attention at this week's congress were not bureaucrats, but the new capitalist nobility.
The CCP's 16th National Congress marks the beginning of qualitative change in the party. The new generation of leaders must solicit help from business tycoons and the middle class to deal with the growing gaps between rich and poor and between regions as well as a rising unemployment rate. This in turn means party leaders must give more power to business leaders and the middle class to ensure their cooperation. This will be the beginning of quantitative change in the party.
The middle class was an important driving force behind the KMT's transition. Will it play a similar role in China? The just-concluded congress has planted the seeds for such change. Hopefully these seeds will grow into trees.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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